The origins of rice agriculture: recent progress in East Asia.

The origins of rice agriculture: recent progress in East Asia. Knowledge of rice domestication domesticationProcess of hereditary reorganization of wild animals and plants into forms more accommodating to the interests of people. In its strictest sense, it refers to the initial stage of human mastery of wild animals and plants. and its archaeological context In archaeology, not only the context (physical location) of a discovery is a significant fact, but the formation of the context is as well. An archaeological context is an event in time which has been preserved in the archaeological record. hasbeen increasing explosively of late. Nearly 20 years ago rice from theHemudu and Luojiajiao sites [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED]indicated that rice domestication likely began before 5000 BC (Crawford1992; Liu 1992; Yan 1990). By the late 1980s news of rice from thesouth-central China Pengtousham site a thousand years older than Hemudubegum be��gum?n.1. A Muslim woman of rank.2. Used as a form of address for such a woman.[Urdu begam, from East Turkic beg��m, first person sing. to circulate (Bellwood et al. 1992; Hunan 1990; Pei 1989).Undocumented news of silvas having a median date of 11,500 BP withdomesticated do��mes��ti��cate?tr.v. do��mes��ti��cat��ed, do��mes��ti��cat��ing, do��mes��ti��cates1. To cause to feel comfortable at home; make domestic.2. To adopt or make fit for domestic use or life.3. a. rice has recently made the rounds (Normile 1997). Inaddition, the first domesticated rice in Southeast Asia, once thought tobe to be older than the first rice in China, is not as old as oncethought (Glover & Higham 1996: 422; Higham 1995). Finally, wild rice(Oryza rufipogon) was reported to be growing in the Yangzi valley, welloutside its purported original range, making domestication thereplausible (Yan 1989; 1990; 1997). Significant progress continued to bemade in the 1990s and unlike research on other major crops, theliterature is generally not accessible to western scholars, with someexceptions (Ahn 1993; Crawford 1992; Glover & Higham 1996; Higham1995; MacNeish et al. 1997; Underhill 1997). The 2nd International Academic Conference on AgriculturalArchaeology (IACAA IACAA Illinois Association of Community Action Agencies ) convened in Nanchang, China in October, 1997 toassess the new archaeological, biological and ethnohistoric informationpertaining to the evolution, spread, and production of rice in EastAsia East AsiaA region of Asia coextensive with the Far East.East Asian adj. & n. . Among the nearly 70 papers presented at the Nanchang conferencewere half a dozen on phytoliths, a similar number on the botany andevolution of rice, while the remainder covered a wide range ofarchaeological and historic topics related to rice. Additionally,preceding the conference was the publication of an edited volume on theorigin and differentiation of Chinese cultivated rice (Wang & Sun1996). The 36 chapters deal primarily with new archaeological orarchaeobotanical data (seven papers); anatomical and morphologicalstudies (five papers); and genetic research (17 papers). Many of thechapters also explore taxonomic issues. In this essay we update thecurrent status of our knowledge of the origins of rice agriculture basedon highlights of the conference and in the context of the recentlypublished record. We focus on two themes: the new archaeobotanicalevidence for rice agricultural origins in East Asia and identifying andunderstanding the role of the wild ancestors of domesticated rice. New archaeological evidence The number of sites from which rice remains have been reported fromall periods in China vary from between 110 and 140, depending on theauthor (Tang et al. 1993; Wei 1995; You & Zheng 1995). These sitesare predominantly younger than 5000 BC. About half are in the middleYangzi valley while the remainder are distributed from south China tothe lower Yangzi, as well as a few from the Huanghe (Yellow River)valley. The middle Yangzi valley comprises the Yangzi River and its maintributaries between the western end of the Three Gorges The Three Gorges (Simplified Chinese: 三峡; Traditional Chinese: 三峽; Pinyin: Sānxi��[ and the mouth ofLake Poyang Lake Poyang (Chinese: 鄱阳湖; Pinyin: P��y��ng H��), located in Jiangxi Province is the largest freshwater lake in China[1]. (Poyang Hu) [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED]. After 4000 BC the Middle Neolithic Daxi culture dominates theMiddle Yangzi (TABLE 1 and [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED]). EarlyNeolithic predecessors of Daxi indicate a complex developmental history(An 1994; He 1989; Lin 1990; Lin & Hu 1993; Meng 1993). To the northof Daxi is the Lijiacun Complex dating from 6000-7000 BC. To the southin Hunan province the earliest Neolithic site is reportedly Yuchanyan(9000-8000 b.c.) (Yah 1997). These Early Neolithic populations appear tohave been using rice, but how early its use began, when it becamedomesticated, and under what circumstances are issues underinvestigation.Table 1. Chronology of Early Neolithic in the Middle Yangzi Valley,based oncalibratedyears BC Xiajiang Area Dongting-Hu Area20003000 Daxi Daxi4000 Lower Tangjiagang Complex(?)5000 Chengbeixi Complex Zaoshi Complex60007000 Pengtoushan Complex8000 [TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE 2 OMITTED] Rice from at least nine Early to Middle Neolithic sites has beeneither AMS AMS - Andrew Message System dated or associated with radiocarbon dates (82 dates, TABLE2). The earliest of the 14 direct dates on rice is no older than 7000 BCand range to 5000 BC at Hemudu. The oldest rice grains are dated to6000-7000 BC at the Pengtoushan and Jiahu sites [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE1 OMITTED] (Chen & Jiang 1997; Pei 1989; Zhang & Wang 1998). Thelatter, being north of the Yangzi Valley, is the most northerly reportof rice at this time. Although the rice from Jiahu is claimed to be theoldest so far dated in China (Chen & Jiang 1997), the PengtoushanAMS rice dates are not significantly younger. The oldest AMS date(OXA-2210) from Pengtoushan appears to be only marginally younger thanthe oldest Jiahu dates. Older occupations at these sites are suggestedby dates on charcoal, pottery, and other materials. However, the AMSdates on rice are the best indicator of its antiquity. The oldest datesfrom Pengtoushan have been rejected (An 1994; Chen & Hedges 1994). The aforementioned sites do not help fill a gap well known inChinese prehistory prehistory,period of human evolution before writing was invented and records kept. The term was coined by Daniel Wilson in 1851. It is followed by protohistory, the period for which we have some records but must still rely largely on archaeological evidence to , the relative lack of late Pleistocene to earlyHolocene assemblages (Chang 1986; Elston et al. 1997; MacNeish et al.1997). Filling this gap, particularly in the context of riceagricultural origins, is the research of a Sino-American projectdirected by the Andover Foundation and Beijing University (MacNeish etal. 1997) in the Dayuan basin, Jiangxi province. Zhao (1997; 1998), amember of the team, makes a case for Late Pleistocene wild ricecollection followed by a mix of wild rice and early domesticated riceharvesting and finally the use of primarily domesticated rice by 7500b.p. (6400 BC). Isotopic analysis of human bone from Xianrendong andDiaotonghuan are consistent with an argument for rice consumption duringthe Late Pleistocene to Early Holocene transition (MacNeish et al. 1997:25). Unfortunately, the dating is less confident than we would like (seeZhao 1997 for a discussion). Until now, open sites have had shed little light on thePleistocene-Holocene transition in the Yangzi valley. This may soonchange. Pei Anping, the excavator ex��ca��va��torn.An instrument, such as a sharp spoon or curette, used in scraping out pathological tissue.excavator (eks´k of Pengtoushan, presented a paper on ahitherto unreported middle-late Pengtoushan assemblage at the Bashidangsite (Pei 1998) [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED]. Although the workis still in progress and we are not at liberty to say much aboutBashidang, we can report that it is a floodplain floodplain,level land along the course of a river formed by the deposition of sediment during periodic floods. Floodplains contain such features as levees, backswamps, delta plains, and oxbow lakes. site that spans theUpper Palaeolithic through Middle Neolithic (Pei 1998). The Pengtoushanlayer is waterlogged and preservation is superb. Large quantities ofrice grains have been recovered, as have remains of other plants,including the water caltrop (Trapa sp.) that may show evidence of beingdomesticated. This aquatic plant has also been reported from Hemudu andprovides some of the earliest evidence for a broader development ofaquatic plant use in China, not just rice production. Still current is the view that rice, after its domestication inChina, diffused along three possible routes (An 1998) to Korea duringthe Bronze Age and subsequently moved to Japan about 300 BC. Thisscenario is being challenged. In fact, the spread of rice to Korea andJapan is still a relatively poorly understood issue (An 1998; Lin 1992).Of the three proposed routes of entry of rice into Japan, the one fromsouthern China northward through Okinawa into Kyushu via the RyukyuIslands is highly improbable now. Rice never attained much importance inOkinawa and arrived there about AD 800 from the north (Takamiya 1997).The two northern routes are the most likely. Elsewhere, South Koreanresearchers report that the earliest rice there appears to date to about4300 b.p. (3000 BC) at Locality 1 of the Kawaji site, Ilsan City (Lee& Park 1997). Nearly 300 rice grains were recovered from peat layersthere. Rice phytoliths have also been extracted elsewhere from threecomb-patterned pottery assemblages (Chulmun or Neolithic). The oldestdates to about 5500 b.p. (4400 BC) at the Juyupri site, Ilsan City.based on this evidence Kim et al. (1997) suggest that rice was firstintroduced to the west coast of Korea around 5000 b.p. (4000 BC) andspread from there to the Han River basin. By the Korean Bronze Age, riceappears to have been part of a crop complex that included barley, wheat,millet and hemp hemp,common name for a tall annual herb (Cannabis sativa) of the family Cannabinaceae, native to Asia but now widespread because of its formerly large-scale cultivation for the bast fiber (also called hemp) and for the drugs it yields. at Chodong-ni where the population also collected nutsand tubers (Heu et al. 1997). In Japan the earliest AMS dated ricegrains are associated with the Late Jomon in Northern Honshu (about1000-800 BC) (D'Andrea et al. 1995). As in Bronze Age Korea, thisrice is associated with millet and wild plant foods. If rice was firstintroduced to northeastern Japan from the southwest rather than straightacross the Sea of Japan, evidence for rice in southern Honshu and Kyushushould be older than 1000 BC. In fact, rice phytoliths dating from theEarly to Middle Jomon have been reported from southwestern Japan(Yoshizaki 1997). If the earlier Korean and Japanese dates for rice areaccurate, rice may have been grown there shortly after it appeared inthe Yangzi delta, if not at the same time. If these interpretations areconfirmed, not only is rice domestication being pushed back in time, butso is its spread from China. Some rethinking about the respectiveprehistories will be in order. Ancestry of domesticated rice In recent years the indigenous Chinese domestication of rice hasattained general acceptance (Li 1993). This contrasts with views of adecade earlier when there was no international consensus (Crawford1992). One view popular during the 1970s and 1980s saw Oryza sativadomesticated in the highlands of southwestern China or southern Asia andfrom there it would have spread to the east coast (Chang 1976; 1983; Liu1975; You 1986). Although this theory was based on wild ricedistributions and genetic relations between wild rice and domesticatesin the Yun-Gui Plateau (Yunnan-Guizhou highland, [ILLUSTRATION FORFIGURE 1 OMITTED]), archaeological evidence has not been forthcoming(Cheng 1994: Liu 1994; Tang et al. 1993). The closest relatives of Oryza sativa are the perennial O.rufipogon Griff n. 1. Grasp; reach.A vein of gold ore within one spade's griff.- Holland.2. (Weaving) An arrangement of parallel bars for lifting the hooked wires which raise the warp threads in a loom for weaving figured goods. . and the annual O. nivara (Chang 1976). The threespecies are interfertile. Perhaps acknowledging this interfertility,Chinese scholars tend to eschew the latter term calling all wild rice,including spontanea forms (described below), O. rufipogon (common wildrice or CWR CWR Cabinet War Rooms (UK)CWR Continuous Welded RailCWR Case Western Reserve (College)CWR California Western RailroadCWR Central Western RailwayCWR Center for Whale Research ). In reality, the three species are best considered to besub-species of one species, but the current classification will likelynot be abandoned any time soon. Two main races, sometimes termedsub-species, of O. sativa are japonica japonica(jəpŏn`əkə): see quince; camellia. and indica, also commonly knownas short-grained and long-grained rice, respectively. Japonica hastemperate and tropical forms. The latter is commonly termed javanicarice. Numerous intergrading hybrids between O. sativa and its two wildrelatives are found in, and adjacent to, rice fields (Chang 1976: 100).These 'spontanea' forms are 'sometimes indistinguishablefrom O. nivara' (Chang 1976: 100). Today, the distribution of O.rufipogon, the most common wild rice species in China, is much broaderthan once thought (see Chang 1976). O. rufipogon ranges between100[degrees]47[minutes]E and 121 [degrees] 15[minutes]E and between18[degrees]9'[minutes]N and 28[degrees]14[minutes]N latitude whichincludes northern Jiangxi and Hunan provinces (Cooperative Team 1984).based on a collection of nearly 4000 samples, O. rufipogon was found tobe distributed in eastern and southeastern China, not just in thecommonly cited Yun-Gui Plateau (Chang 1976). Palaeoclimatic and pollendata indicate that during the middle Holocene temperatures in the LowerYangzi Valley were about 3-4 [degrees] C higher than today withprecipitation over 800 mm (Tang et al. 1993). The northern limit of wildrice in the Neolithic may have extended north to Lake Tai (Tang et al.1993). Annual wild Oryza is apparently rare in China and probably all isthe weedy, spontanea type (Wang et al. 1998). Weedy rice is foundthroughout the southern Korean Peninsula and includes a feral feraluntamed; often used in the sense of having escaped from domesticity and run wild. japonicacultivar cultivarAny variety of a plant, originating through cloning or hybridization (see clone, hybrid), known only in cultivation. In asexually propagated plants, a cultivar is a clone considered valuable enough to have its own name; in sexually propagated plants, a and three types of crosses: indica with japonica; wild withindica; and wild with japonica (Heu 1997). Where japonica and indica fit in relation to the wild anddomesticated Oryza is being actively researched. Two independentdomestications, one of japonica in China and one of indica in SouthAsia, have been hypothesized for some time (Second 1984). Recently,isozyme isozyme/iso��zyme/ (i��so-zim) one of the multiple forms in which an enzyme may exist in an organism or in different species, the various forms differing chemically, physically, or immunologically, but catalyzing the same reaction. analysis indicates that perennial wild rice (O. rufipogon) isthe direct ancestor of cultivated rice (Wang 1994). Only four years agowild rice seemed to have three types: keng-like (47-82%), hsien-like(14.13%), and keng-hsien intermediate (25.0%) wild rice (Wang 1994: 50).One suggestion is that keng (japonica) rice was probably derived fromthe keng-like perennial wild rice (O. rufipogon) growing in thewoodlands and marshlands in the Middle-Lower Yangzi Valley with itscentre in the Lake Tai region. Hsien (indica) rice evolved fromdifferent progenitors with strong hsien elements further south (Tang etal. 1993). Their argument was based on distributions of wild rice andarchaeological remains, and an extensive examination of rice remainsfrom archaeological sites, especially those from Hemudu. Now, results ofgenetic research (both nuclear and chloroplast chloroplast(klōr`əplăst', klôr`–), a complex, discrete green structure, or organelle, contained in the cytoplasm of plant cells. DNA DNA:see nucleic acid. DNAor deoxyribonucleic acidOne of two types of nucleic acid (the other is RNA); a complex organic compound found in all living cells and many viruses. It is the chemical substance of genes. ) indicate that CWR inChina is differentiated only negligibly into indica- and japonica-liketypes (Wang et al. 1998: 93). Differentiation in wild rice appears to beevident when South Asian populations are considered. Chinese researchersidentify the japonica type as the main genotype in China while theindica type is found primarily in South Asia (Huang et al. 1996: 100;Sun et al. 1998). based on this evidence, geneticists suggest thatjaponica rice originated in China while indica evolved in South Asia andChina (southernmost) (Sun et al. 1998). Japanese researchers are making a substantial contribution tosolving these and other problems. Yoichiro Sato of Shizuoka Universityhas DNA evidence Among the many new tools that science has provided for the analysis of forensic evidence is the powerful and controversial analysis of deoxyribonucleic acid, or DNA, the material that makes up the genetic code of most organisms. indicating that differentiation between indica andjaponica rice took place before domestication (Sato 1997). Sato, unlikethe Chinese specialists, retains the O. rufipogon/O. navira distinctionin wild rice classification; the former is distributed mainly in Chinawhile the latter is mainly distributed in South Asia. AlthoughSato's evolutionary model is more complex than can be summarizedhere, his work indicates that the annual wild rice (O. nivara) is theancestor of indica while the perennial O. rufipogon is ancestral tojaponica. Weedy forms of rice evolved from hybrids of O. rufipogon andO. nivara. These weedy forms may be some of the plants assumed by someto be wild ancestors of domesticated rice. If this is the case, some ofthe confusion regarding the ancestry of domesticated rice isunderstandable. Furthermore, Sato and his team are able to add DNAanalyses of archaeological rice in China to their model and have foundno evidence for indica in the Chinese archaeological record. Howperennial rice evolved into annual rice in the Yangzi basin isproblematic. Sato suggests that the annually disturbed habitats at theedges of wetlands would have selected for an annual habit (Sato 1996).Water levels varying annually under the influence of the monsoonalwet-dry season shift would have been responsible for maintaining thesehabitats (see also Glover & Higham 1996). Finally, Sato'sarchaeological DNA evidence shows the presence of tropical, nottemperate, japonica in the Yangzi valley. The origin of temperatejaponica is still unknown (Sato 1997). The DNA evidence for japonica rice conforms to an opinion thatearly archaeological rice grain remains from China belong to one type(Sato 1997; Wang et al. 1998) despite numerous reports to the contrary.Others have pointed out the difficulty in identifying japonica andindica carbonized grains by morphological criteria (Crawford 1992). Ahn(1993: 98), though, is convinced that length-to-width ratios (L/W L/W Left Word ) ofrice grains, as well as their overall size, can differentiate races ofmodern rice (with a 20% overlap). Charring does not seem to change theL/W ratios significantly (Ahn 1993). Rather than using the modern racecategories, Ahn prefers to describe ancient grains as'slender' or 'large and round', reflecting hisconcern that ancient rice may have a range of undifferentiated types(1993: 119). Wild rice has 'slender' grains that are notsignificantly smaller than slender cultigen cul��ti��gen?n.An organism, especially a cultivated plant, such as a banana, not known to have a wild or uncultivated counterpart.[culti(vated) + -gen. grains so size should not bea criterion to distinguish wild from cultigen rice; rather,differentiation into types provides evidence of domestication (Ahn 1993:120). Consistent with this view is the study of 4000 rice grains fromthe stratified stratified/strat��i��fied/ (strat��i-fid) formed or arranged in layers. strat��i��fiedadj.Arranged in the form of layers or strata. Lonqiuzhuang site (TABLE 2) (Tang et al. 1996). Overtime, rice grain measurements exhibit a marked increase in variation,yet they are all considered to be japonica. Another approach is to tryto distinguish races of archaeological rice by their phytoliths (Tang etal. 1996; Zhang 1996). The latter technique is in its infancy, andshould be treated with caution for the time being. The domestication or wild status of the earliest rice grains is notclear. Pei (1989) felt that the rice from Pengtoushan was cultivated.Ahn (1993) suggested that it was not. For now, the earliest rice(Pengtoushan, Jiahu and Yuchanyan) appears to be wild-like rather thanfully domesticated and it may have taken two to three thousand years forfully domesticated rice to appear (Tang et al. 1996; Wang et al. 1998).Furthermore, the Bashidang rice does not appear to be differentiatedinto indica and japonica types and is an archaic type according to Zhang& Pei (1996). Unfortunately, the best criterion for distinguishingwild from domesticated rice, the presence or absence of a brittlerachis rachis/ra��chis/ (ra��kis) vertebral column. ra��chisn. pl. ra��chis��es or rach��i��desSee spinal column.rachis1. the vertebral column.2. , is not evidenced at these sites so the wild-like form of thegrain should not be taken as evidence that they are in fact the remainsof wild Oryza. Nor should we conclude that the rice at these sites musthave been domesticated. Importantly, rice was being harvested at thethree sites, but it remains to be seen whether the rice was beingpurposefully planted or harvested in the wild. The interpretation ofphytoliths from Diaotonghuan is consistent with the argument (Zhao 1997;1998) that wild Oryza was the first to be harvested and that it was notuntil about 6500 BC that primarily domesticated rice was harvested. Tanget al. (1996) find evidence in the Longqiuzhuang collection thatartificial selection becomes clear only after 6300 b.p. (roughly 5000BC). The Hemudu collection contains four grains of wild riceidentifiable through their long and dense awn bristles, evidence ofbrittle rachis, and narrow grains [Tang et el. 1994). Tang et al. (1994)cite this identification as evidence of the distribution of wild rice inthe lower Yangzi during the early Holocene. The phytolith phy��to��lith?n.A minute particle formed of mineral matter by a living plant and fossilized in rock. evidence fromDiaotunghuan, together with the Hemudu site macroremains, makes a strongcase for the presence of wild Oryza in the middle Yangzi in the earlyHolocene. Conclusions The 2nd IACAA assessed a diverse and growing database on early ricein China. It also highlighted the differing models of the biosystematicsof Oryza sativa and its closest relatives. The taxonomic perspective ofChinese scholars who lump wild and weedy rices into one taxon taxon(pl. taxa), in biology, a term used to denote any group or rank in the classification of organisms, e.g., class, order, family. , O.rufipogon, contrasts with the view held outside China that at least twowild species are ancestral to Asian rices. Nevertheless, there is someagreement on japonica originating in south-central China and indicaoriginating in South and/or Southeast Asia. However, it is apparent thatsome see indica rice in its domesticated form in the Yangzi valleyrelatively early. This implies that it diffused to the region from thesouth at a relatively early date. But indica may not actually be part ofthe early archaeological record in China. DNA analysis DNA analysisAny technique used to analyze genes and DNA. See Chromosome walking, DNA fingerprinting, Footprinting, In situ hybridization, Jeffries' probe, Jumping libraries, PCR, RFLP analysis, Southern blot hybridization. of archaeologicalgrains indicates the presence of only japonica in the Yangzi valleyduring the Neolithic, a view more compatible with the currentunderstanding of the nature of wild rice in the area. The fact that itis apparently tropical japonica means that the origin of the temperateform is still unknown. Adaptations during the Pleistocene to Holocene transition are beingclarified but little can be concluded for now. Understanding the spreadof rice to Korea and Japan is still in its infancy, but evidence ismounting for its presence there much earlier than the 1st millennium Be.Crucial areas that seem to be missing in the discourse on riceagricultural origins are the broader ecological and cultural context inwhich the process took place. So far, explanations of the transition torice agriculture tend to be climatically deterministic. Systematicinterdisciplinary studies of agricultural origins should help as theyhave elsewhere. We hope to see research on seasonality, scheduling,anthropogenesis, weed complexes and many more related issues in the nearfuture. Acknowledgements. We are indebted to the Jiangxi Academy of SocialSciences, Nanchang, China, for facilitating Crawford'sparticipation in the 2nd IACAA. Comments and advice from G.-A. Lee, J.Leng, Y. Sate, D. Smith and J. Zhao are greatly appreciated. References AHN, S.-M. 1993. Origin and differentiation of domesticated rice inAsia. 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