The visual in archaeology: photographic representation of archaeological practice in British India.

The visual in archaeology: photographic representation of archaeological practice in British India. Introduction Photography was received with great enthusiasm by archaeologistsfrom the first introduction of the technology in 1839. Within a year,daguerreotypes of ancient Egyptian monuments were in circulation, and bythe 1880s detailed photographic records of archaeological fieldactivities were being created. One early example is the meticulousphoto-documentation of the excavations conducted between 1882 and 1886of the Indian mounds in the Ohio River Ohio RiverMajor river, eastern central U.S. Formed by the confluence of the Allegheny and Monongahela rivers, it flows northwest out of Pennsylvania, and west and southwest to form the state boundaries of Ohio–West Virginia, Ohio-Kentucky, Indiana-Kentucky, and Valley of the United States United States,officially United States of America, republic (2005 est. pop. 295,734,000), 3,539,227 sq mi (9,166,598 sq km), North America. The United States is the world's third largest country in population and the fourth largest country in area. . Theexcavations, directed by Frederick Ward Frederick Ward may refer to: Frederick Townsend Ward (1831-1862), United States sailor and mercenary Frederick Wordsworth Ward aka Captain Thunderbolt (1833–1870), Australian bushranger Putnam with the help of hisprincipal fieldworker Charles Metz, were aimed at establishing ascientific method for North American North Americannamed after North America.North American blastomycosissee North American blastomycosis.North American cattle ticksee boophilusannulatus. archaeology. Putnam's use ofthe camera to produce visual evidence of his methods is well documentedin his letter to Metz in 1884 (quoted by Banta & Hinsley (1986:76)): By the way I wish you would continue to keep a section of the big[Turner] mound perfect, so that I can photograph it when I get there inMay. I wish you could let a mass stand that would give me a full viewfrom the top mound to the trench off the sector with the pits. Let acolumn stand where the trees are just back of the old altar ... so thatthe photo would show all the layers. Can't this be done? Techniques of photographing ancient sites and artefacts were widelyexperimented with throughout the latter half of the 19th century, andmethods for archaeological photography were soon established. As earlyas 1904, an entire chapter on the correct manner of taking photographsfor archaeological purposes was written by Sir Flinders Petrie Professor Sir William Matthew Flinders Petrie FRS (3 June 1853 – 28 July 1942), known as Flinders Petrie, was an English Egyptologist and a pioneer of systematic methodology in archaeology. in hisseminal work A seminal work is a work from which other works grow. The term usually refers to an intellectual or artistic achievement whose ideas and techniques have been adopted or responded to in later works by other people, either in the same field or in the general culture. Methods and aims of archaeology. Until the 1970s, in manycountries a course on archaeological photography was deemed compulsory.Photographs produced during archaeological practice were accepted asproviding objective and reliable information. Their use as visual aids visual aidsNoun, plobjects to be looked at that help the viewer to understand or remember something and documentary records highlighted their status as evidence.Archaeology's reliance on photography was based on the belief thatthe technology promised foolproof objectivity. However, even a cursoryexamination of the kinds of imagery produced for nearly one-and-a-halfcenturies reveal consistent manipulation of the photographic technologyto tailor many kinds of `realities' and `objective'recordings. The history of interaction between photography and archaeology iscomplex. The conditions within which photographs are taken, the choiceof images for academic publications and non-academic consumption, themanner in which people and places are photographed and captioned, revealwider political and social conditions that govern archaeologicalpractice in different areas of the world. Gero & Root (1990: 19-37)illustrated this relationship between archaeology, photography and worldpolitics in their article on the public presentation of archaeologicalpractice in the National Geographic. The authors demonstrated howcontemporary political ideologies of the United States determined whatis photographed in excavations conducted by North Americans in thepoorer countries of Latin America Latin America,the Spanish-speaking, Portuguese-speaking, and French-speaking countries (except Canada) of North America, South America, Central America, and the West Indies. and Asia. They identified the manydifferent ways in which imagery and texts were created and manipulatedin the pages of the National Geographic to glorify and legitimize le��git��i��mize?tr.v. le��git��i��mized, le��git��i��miz��ing, le��git��i��miz��esTo legitimate.le��git thetechnological and economic imperialism Economic imperialism is the term used to describe the application of economics to the so called non-economic aspects of life such as crime, marriage and war.[1][2] See alsoGary Becker Mainstream economics References1. of the United States over`primitive societies' and `ancient civilizations' of the thirdworld. Following the lead given by Susan Sontag Noun 1. Susan Sontag - United States writer (born in 1933)Sontag and John Tagg in the 1970sand '80s respectively, research on the history of photography, onthe impact of this technology on 19th-century sciences, and on thenature of visual evidence produced through this medium in disciplinessuch as social anthropology, art history and sociology has shown thatphotographs are socially and politically constructed like all culturalrepresentations. They are not merely taken, but made. A photograph isindexically In`dex´ic`al`lyadv. 1. In the manner of an index. linked to that which it records, and in most instances `thedata allows more to be seen or analysed than [is] possible at the timeof collection' (Banks & Morphy 1997: 17). As objects that areintentionally created, photographs produced during archaeologicalfieldwork carry information, at times variant, from contemporary textson archaeological practice. The histories of photography, archaeology and colonialism areclosely related in the Indian subcontinent. India became a Britishdominion in 1858, and three years later the Archaeological Survey wasformally established. Photography came to India as early as 1840, andfrom its first introduction was enthusiastically used by the officers ofthe East India Company to document the country's architecturallandscape. With the developments in archaeological methods and aimsinitiated by the British officers of the Survey, photography became anactive participant in the archaeological discourse. Over the lastdecade, research on the history of South Asian archaeology hasunravelled many strands of colonial politics that have shaped thedevelopment of archaeological practice in India. However,photography's role in nurturing and promoting British interests inthe archaeology of India, especially during the first half of the 20thcentury, has been largely overlooked. If photographs of archaeological practice are accepted asintentionally created artefacts, then they become important materialsources for understanding the history of the discipline. 19th-and early20th-century archaeological field photographs from South Asia This article is about the geopolitical region in Asia. For geophysical treatments, see Indian subcontinent. South Asia, also known as Southern Asia are notonly products of archaeological practice in the subcontinent, but theirimagery, use and distribution can reveal the ways in which archaeologywas used to serve British colonial aims. Photography and documentation The technology of photography could, for the first time,permanently fix a shadow on a palpable material. During the 19thcentury, the technical, optical, mechanical and chemical featuresassociated with photography were largely accepted as being independentand free of selective discrimination of the human eye and hand. Thisassumed objectivity and reality of representation in photographic imagesfavoured the camera over other tools of representation. As the centuryprogressed, the camera became a powerful instrument of surveillance.Photography established itself as one of the principal modes forrecording facts, of surveying the unknown (including the nation'spoor, mentally ill and dispossessed population) and colonial lands, andfor gathering evidence (as used by the police force). Photographs wereaccorded the status of evidence by observational sciences and byinstitutions of power such as colonial and national governments. From the late 18th century, European attitudes towards indigenouspeople in distant and subjugated lands were largely formed by theoriesof racial supremacy and social evolution. These were effectively used byimperial powers to sustain unequal relationships. Photography broughtout the relational imbalance explicitly. The practice of photographing`the other' was itself an unequal action. From the middle of the19th century, posed bodies of human beings (in many instances semi-nakedor naked) in front of a measuring grid or a scale became an establishednorm for taking ethnographic photographs of `savage' and`primitive' races. Such photographs were accepted as reliabledocuments for comparative physiology Comparative physiology is a subdiscipline of physiology that studies and exploits the diversity of functional characteristics of various kinds of organisms. It is closely related to evolutionary physiology and environmental physiology. (Spencer 1992). As visual recordsof people colonised by `superior' powers, such images reinforcedthe colonial hierarchy of the century. In the Indian subcontinent, the best-known early example of the useof photography for ethnological eth��nol��o��gy?n.1. The science that analyzes and compares human cultures, as in social structure, language, religion, and technology; cultural anthropology.2. investigations is John Forbes John Forbes can refer to more than one person: John Forbes (theologian) (d. 1648), Scottish theologian John Forbes (publisher) (d.1665), Scottish music publisher; published first printed secular music in Scotland Watson& John William Kaye's edited eight-volume set, The people ofIndia. It was published by the Indian Museum in London between 1868 and1875, and contained over 500 photographs accompanied by text, depictingdifferent `races' and `types'. The preface to the workmentions that the project was initiated by an informal request from thethen Governor-General Canning to civilians and army officers of the EastIndia Company for photographic souvenirs of India. However, the Mutinyof 1857 transformed its nature and the history of its genesis is not assimple as the preface leads the reader to believe. Contemporarydocumentation reveals that large-scale collection of ethnographicphotographs for the project did not begin until after an officialcircular was sent out to the provincial administration in July 1861.Over half of the 200 copies of the eight-set volumes were retained bythe Political and Secret Department of the Government of India The Government of India (Hindi: भारत सरकार [3]Bhārat Sarkār), officially referred to as the Union Government, and commonly as Central Government forofficial use. The initial collection of photographs for the project mayalso have been intended for display at the London internationalexhibition of 1862. Whatever the underlying motives of the project, thepublished volumes `served to reinforce notions of dominance and control,both in the selection of their subjects and in their descriptivetext' (Falconer 2000: 80; also Pinney 1997: 34-44). Throughout the late 18th and 19th centuries, various schemes wereundertaken by the colonial powers to obtain information on areas undertheir subjugation SubjugationCushan-rishathaim Aramking to whom God sold Israelites. [O.T.: Judges 3:8]Gibeonitesconsigned to servitude in retribution for trickery. [O.T.: Joshua 9:22–27]Ham Noahcurses him and progeny to servitude. [O. . The employment of government anthropologists incolonial lands, the establishment of topographical, geological,linguistic and archaeological survey organizations, and regularpublications of population censuses are a few examples. From itsinception, photography played a major role in these projects of colonialdocumentation. Compared to other visual forms, such as sketches,paintings and plaster-cast models, the cheap technology of photographyavailable from the 1860s, and its easy replication, made it anindispensable recording device. For example, in 1855, the East IndiaCompany decided to replace its draftsmen with photographers, stating ina letter from London (Desmond 1974:314): We have recently desired the Government of Bombay to discontinuethe employment of draughtsmen in the delineation of the antiquities ofWestern India and to employ photography instead, and it is our desirethat this method be generally substituted throughout India. The British historian of Indian architecture, JamesFergusson's (1868) remark that `forty negatives will not cost morethan one cast; and though they cannot supply its place, the larger fieldthey cover and the number of incidental details they include render theminvaluable adjuncts' provides another apt example. From the 1870s,photography determined the nature of the visual documents produced bythe Archaeological Survey in British India British IndiaThe part of the Indian subcontinent under direct British administration until India's independence in 1947. . Nineteenth-century photography and the Archaeological Survey ofIndia The Archaeological Survey of India is an Indian government agency in the Department of Culture that is responsible for archaeological studies and the preservation of cultural monuments. The Archaeological Survey of India, initially established in 1861as a non-permanent institution, was a colonial bureaucracy of the 19thcentury. Its creation as a government organization to survey anddocument the historical sites of India just after the Mutiny, can berelated to the initiation of an organized programme by the British Rajto compile information on India. The initial objective of the Survey,that of systematic documentation of Indian monuments of historicalimportance, and not their preservation or upkeep (see Canning 1862), canbe linked to the British imperial aims of creating centralizedbureaucracies in Indian provinces and states to systematize sys��tem��a��tize?tr.v. sys��tem��a��tized, sys��tem��a��tiz��ing, sys��tem��a��tiz��esTo formulate into or reduce to a system: "The aim of science is surely to amass and systematize knowledge"techniquesof collecting data within the subcontinent (see Bayly 1999: 121-3).However, the intellectual efforts of individual Survey officers fosteredthe growth of scientific archaeology in the subcontinent and, until the1940s, the Archaeological Survey of India remained the primaryinstitution that governed the developments within the discipline. For most Survey officers of the 19th century, practisingarchaeology meant registration of visible architectural and epigraphic ep��i��graph?n.1. An inscription, as on a statue or building.2. A motto or quotation, as at the beginning of a literary composition, setting forth a theme. monuments, their identification, description and exact reproduction forpublication (Buhler 1895). Piecing together the history of Indian artand architecture and establishing a chronology for the history of thesubcontinent through its material relics were the two main aims ofarchaeology. This is well exemplified in the tenures of the (only) twoDirectors-General during the chequered life of the Survey in the 19thcentury, Alexander Cunningham Sir Alexander Cunningham (23 January 1814–28 November 1893) was a British archaeologist and army engineer, known as the father of the Archaeological Survey of India. (1871-1885) and James Burgess (1886-1889).Therefore most of the 19th-century photographs depicting the activitiesof the Archaeological Survey are of historical monuments; and amongstthe architectural photographs of the century, no distinction can be madebetween `archaeological' and `non-archaeological' images. The manner in which the Great Stupa stupa(st`pə)[Sanskrit,=mound], Buddhist monument in tumulus, or mound, form, often containing relics. of Sanchi was photographed byHenry Cousens between January and March of 1900 (Burgess 1902) is oneexample of how photography was used to produce `true'representations of the subject matter. Such acts of photography werebased on the belief that photographic archives could preserve the pastfor future reference, and were advocated strongly for the application ofthe technology to observational sciences. Extracts from a paper read byRev. F.F. Stratham at the South London South London (known colloquially as South of the River) is the area of London south of the River Thames. Some neighbourhoods north of the Thames have South London postal codes (SW), but these neighbourhoods are classified as West or Central London. Photographic Society on 17 May1860 illustrate the point: The photographer will point his camera at each pinnacled niche orfloriated doorway; he will take his sun-painted sketch of each figuredcorbel corbelBlock or brick partially embedded in a wall, with one end projecting out from the face. The weight of added masonry above counterbalances the cantilever and keeps the block from falling out of the wall. or grotesque gargoyle gargoyle(gär`goil), waterspout used in medieval Europe to draw rainwater from church and cathedral roofs. Gargoyles were fashioned imaginatively in the form of human grotesques, beasts, and demonic spirits. ; and in fact, carry away in his portfolioevery nice detail of the architectural detail long before time, with hisdestructive hand, shall have had the opportunity to mar any more of thebeauty of the original; and when future ages shall be wishing to pictureto themselves the appearance of this or that abbey or cathedral longsince crumbled to decay ... they will thank providence for theperfection of photography in the middle of the nineteenth century. The Survey and the `natives' Despite the realist paradigm that governed the use of the camera asa recording tool, photographs followed the aesthetics of the period. Forexample, the genre of the picturesque, the dominant visual aesthetic inromantic landscape paintings of the 18th century, was developed furtherthrough the means of photography. Al though accurate documentation bymeans of photography was adopted in programmes of salvaging culturesconsidered threatened into extinction and/or irreversible changes, theimages produced were not necessarily `true' documents. Manyphotographs that were produced to capture the rapidly changing worldevoked feelings of nostalgia at the passing away of traditional customs.Sentimental and romantic photographs of `primitive races' and`ancient civilizations' flooded the 19th-century markets. Thedictates of contemporary aesthetic conventions, together with the needto ratify prevailing scientific ideas about `other' cultures,produced powerful stereotypes within photographic imagery (see Edwards1992a: 10). In the Indian context, concerns about salvaging nativearchitectural heritage can be found echoed in the documentation schemesof the Archaeological Survey (e.g. Cole 1867). The dual role ofsalvaging India's ancient traditions and providing a visual alibifor objective documentation aided the production of a large number ofromanticized photographs of architecture and landscapes that merit thestatus of art. In many of them, local Indians were strategically placedso that their physical bodies would provide a visual reference for theheight, length and/or width of the building photographed (FIGURE 1). Thenatives against their ruins, photographed during the systematicrestoration of their ancient heritage by the Imperial Survey, became apowerful colonial imagery of a civilization in decay (from formergrandeur) being restored by the British (see Cohn 1996: 93). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] It has been suggested that the `photographers working for theArchaeological Survey ... produced some of the best photographic work inIndia during the nineteenth century' (Falconer 1990: 271). Yet, oncloser examination, it becomes clear that, unlike the nativephotographers of the Survey, the British officers were almost alwaysacknowledged with the authorship of their works. The names of theSurvey's Indian photographers (28 names found as early as the1870s), employed at the same rate of pay as other draftsmen, appear tobe absent from all known official publications. Appendix (Hiii) inCole's reports for the year 1881-82 is one example. In the columndetailing whether the building/monument has been photographed or not,Cole mentioned the names of individual British officers and commercialstudios (both Indian and British) who had previously photographed abuilding, but consistently omitted mentioning the staff photographers ofthe Archaeological Survey who had accompanied the survey teams. If abuilding/monument had been photographed by them, it was merely listed as`has been photographed' (Cole 1882: 39-72). The British officers ofthe Survey are usually credited with the authorship of their images inall published lists providing details of photographs and negativesproduced by the Archaeological Survey during the latter part of the 19thcentury. The elimination of all junior staff photographers, whichincluded almost every Indian photographer of the Survey, from officiallists betray bureaucratic, if not racial, prejudice. The visual construction of a scientific practice From the beginning of the 20th century, systematic site excavationsaltered the nature of the discipline. The methodological developmentsinvolved in the interpretation of excavated sites helped to promote theclaim that archaeology was `scientific'. It also produced a uniqueimagery of excavations that could be directly associated with thediscipline. The two most influential British Directors-General of theSurvey in the early 20th century were Sir John Marshall (1902-28) andSir Mortimer Wheeler Noun 1. Sir Mortimer Wheeler - Scottish archaeologist (1890-1976)Sir Robert Eric Mortimer Wheeler, Wheeler (1944-48). The former brought to the Indiansubcontinent the methods of scientific excavation, the latter codified cod��i��fy?tr.v. cod��i��fied, cod��i��fy��ing, cod��i��fies1. To reduce to a code: codify laws.2. To arrange or systematize. the practice. A gradual development of excavation imagery is evidentthroughout this period. The two photographs, one from Ghaz Dheri, takenin 1902 and probably one of the earliest visual representation of anexcavation (FIGURE 2), and the other from Arikamedu (FIGURE 3), taken 43years later in 1945, represent the two ends of the development spectrum. [FIGURES 2-3 OMITTED] Although the role of archaeological photography as an instrumentfor recording remained common throughout the 19th and 20th centuries,the scope of documentation changed with the onset of large-scaleexcavations. The emphasis shifted towards the systematic depiction ofactivities performed in the field. The objective was to transformphotographs of sites into quantifiable documents and this was achievedby producing images that could be compared. From the 1910s, theappearance of the measuring scale became an ubiquitous feature in allphotographs of excavations. Although the scale was depicted in Surveyphotographs of the 19th century, an example being John Burke'sphotographs of the ancient temples in Kashmir, in many images itsrelationship to the artefact See artifact. depicted remained unclear. The`correct' positioning of the scale in relation to the object in thephotograph was codified in the imagery from the first half of the 20thcentury. The measuring apparatus was usually laid flat before the objectto indicate width, or kept standing on the sides to indicate height. Thepresence of these wooden scales in the early 20th-century archaeologicalphotographs, like the grids and scales in the 19th-century ethnographicphotographs, aided the transformation of an archaeological image into acomparative visual document. During Mortimer Wheeler's tenure, sites of excavations wereconverted into laboratories for archaeological practice. Wheeler imposedstrict rules for archaeological photography, campaigning for the`proper' method of taking photographs on site (Wheeler 1956). Heused the camera as a tool for generating evidence for the performance of`rational' and `scientific' fieldwork, and for keepingmeticulous records. Consequently, many new images were created duringhis tenure. Photographs of pottery yards (e.g. Brahmagiri 1947), paymentof wages to labourers (e.g. Chandravali 1947), sets of consecutivephotographs representing the removal of burials on site (e.g. Harappa1948), group photographs depicting team members and close-upsdemonstrating the labour involved in clearing sites for excavations(e.g. Arikamedu 1945), are some examples. The conscious policy of makingthe performance of fieldwork visible is Wheeler's legacy toarchaeological practice in the Indian subcontinent. Stamping information on a print regarding its correspondingnegative number, the date when photographed and the officiating branchresponsible for its production, composing captions and pasting eachprint on albums allocated to separate excavation seasons of a particularsite, inscribing relevant photographic details on negatives, andmaintaining annual negative registers from each excavated site, areactivities which were begun by the photography department of the Surveyfrom the beginning of the 20th century, and staunchly practised fromWheeler's tenure. Together with withholding the names of thephotographers and those in the photographs, and the abandonment of allaesthetic genres of representations, the aim throughout the 20th centuryhas been to produce `objective' visual records. However, in Indianarchaeology, the actual photographer of an excavation has usually beenthe supervisor or the director who has dictated what aspects of thefinds were worth recording. This domination of the excavator's eyevis-a-vis the photographer's in site imagery inevitably broke theunquestioned neutrality of a visual record, mocking the often repeatedmantra that `the photographer is expected to tell the truth with thehelp of his camera' (Srivastava 1982: 72-3). Throughout thecentury, the element of conscious choice has determined the manner ofphotographing archaeological sites, the subjects photographed and whathas been visually presented as archaeological data. Representation and reality The architectural photographs taken by the Archaeological Surveyduring the 19th and the early 20th century were mainly used asdocumentary records, for academic references, for internationalexhibitions and for commercial purposes. Beautiful folios of photographsdepicting ancient temples, medieval palaces, tombs and mosques, werepublished for sale by the Survey during the 1860s, and to a large extentphotography formalized for��mal��ize?tr.v. for��mal��ized, for��mal��iz��ing, for��mal��iz��es1. To give a definite form or shape to.2. a. To make formal.b. the relationships between tourism and archaeologyin the subcontinent. Photographs of ancient and medieval monuments wereoften transformed into postcards and souvenirs. Official photographsdepicting historical sites and native types were periodically exhibitedin European international exhibitions. An example is the ExpositionUniverselle at Paris in 1867, where a selection of such images was shownin the section entitled Histoire du travail TRAVAIL. The act of child-bearing. 2. A woman is said to be in her travail from the time the pains of child-bearing commence until her delivery. 5 Pick. 63; 6 Greenl. R. 460. 3. . The value and utility ofcheap native labour for British archaeological fieldwork in India isevident from many of these photographs, whether ethnographic,architectural or depicting excavations. The nameless local natives areshown either as measuring scales or field workers, whose`apartness' from the Survey officers (mostly British) fitted inwith the general iconography of colonial India The colonial era in India began in 1510, when the Portuguese established a presence in Goa. Rivalry between European powers saw the entry of the Dutch, British, and French among others from the beginning of the 16th century. . Many excavation photographs of 'important' sites such asHarappa and Mohenjodaro, discovered in the early 20th century, have beenwidely published in Indian and British newspapers, although mostphotographs of site excavations were consumed for academic purpose. AsIndian archaeology endeavoured to become a rational science, the namesof all photographers were withheld from official publications, be theyBritish or native. The paucity of written information about the officialphotographers of the Survey, of the field labourers in the photographs,and the use of short technical captions for images depicting people,were deliberate attempts at producing an impersonal imagery. Yet thecolonial roots of Indian archaeology are remarkably visible. In a landwhose written history could not be trusted by its colonizers, scientificexcavations were promoted as a means of providing a reliable past. Thephotographs of uneducated masses of toiling `natives' physicallyunearthing their past according to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. British decree, however, speaks of adifferent reality. Being an off-spring of colonial bureaucracy, the performance ofarchaeology in the subcontinent has always been `controlled' by aselect practising elite, a feature visible in the photographs, althoughseldom revealed in writing. The bureaucratic hierarchy of the colonialSurvey has left its legacy within the post-colonial excavation field.The manner in which information about sites is generated, recorded andpublished still follows the dictates of official rank and status; andthe official photographs of the Archaeological Survey, even to this day,hint at the inherent systems of power that govern the organization. Acknowledgement. I would like take this opportunity to express mygratitude to the late Director-General of the Archaeological Survey ofIndia, Mr Ajai Shankar, for his generous and whole-hearted support ingranting me access to the archives of the Archaeological Survey ofIndia. References BANKS, M. & H. MORPHY. 1997. Introduction: rethinking visualanthropology, in M. Banks & H. 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