The terminology of agricultural origins and food production systems

The terminology of agricultural origins and food production systems - a horticultural perspective. We live, most of us, in agricultural societies; our food comes fromthe farm. We make gardens, many of us, and we eat some of the plantsthat we grow there. That farming is not the same as gardening we see inthe responses of western observers when they made contact with societieswhose food came more from the garden than the farm. A gardener'sview of food makes its own story.For the last half century, the origin of food production has been thepre-eminent world-wide debate occupying archaeologists' attention.What they have written on the subject since the first of themulti-authored volumes appeared (Thomas 1956) is now measurable in feetof shelf-space. Although definitions for 'food production' and'domestication' have been debated, very few have consideredwhat range of meaning their readers will take from the words'farming', 'agriculture', 'gardening' and'horticulture'. This review examines the usage of these termsas applied to the theme of food-production origins, to determine whetherthere has been consistency in their semantic range, and to enquire en��quire?v.Variant of inquire.enquireVerb[-quiring, -quired] same as inquireenquiry nVerb 1. whether their historical connotations make them appropriate terms forthe next stages of the debate. The horticultural perspective adoptedhere has been influenced by studies of food production systems in theSouth Pacific, and the difficulties that European commentators havefaced over the last 200 years in describing these systems using Europeanterms and concepts. But the semantic problem is not confined to thisregion. It has affected the 20th-century debate on the global origins offood production, which has been largely conducted in the language ofagriculture.Two questions are relevant to the problem: * why has the garden's developmental history in Europe andSouthwest Asia Southwest Asia or Southwestern Asia (largely overlapping with the Middle East) is the southwestern portion of Asia. The term Western Asia is sometimes used in writings about the archeology and the late prehistory of the region, and in the United States subregion been neglected in the archaeological literature? and * why have Western observers of other cultures been reluctant todescribe as gardens, indigenous plots that share more features withWestern horticultural practice than with Western agriculture?Reasons for the neglect of 'horticulture'Ian Hodder Ian Hodder (born 23 November, 1948 in Bristol) is a British archaeologist and pioneer of postprocessualist theory in archaeology that first took root among his students and in his own work between 1980-1990. (1990: 46) has reminded us, 'we think the pastthrough language which is both constructed in the present andconstructed in the past'. Do our garden words give any indicationwhy agriculture absorbs so much attention? Linguistically, speakers ofIndo-European languages have linked domestication domesticationProcess of hereditary reorganization of wild animals and plants into forms more accommodating to the interests of people. In its strictest sense, it refers to the initial stage of human mastery of wild animals and plants. with the house, ordomus, while agriios and foris represent the wild, relatively untamedfields and forests beyond the house (Hodder 1990: 39). Hodder sees thisas a fundamental opposition from the Neolithic on. Where, then, was thegarden or orchard? The linguistic evidence relating to relating torelate prep → concernantrelating torelate prep → bez��glich +gen, mit Bezug auf +accthe garden is notconclusive. Although Indo-European daughter languages formed their wordsfor garden, yard, orchard, and horticulture from the same root (ghordos- according to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. Davies 1981: 50-51), the original gloss may have been'fenced enclosure' rather than 'enclosure forplants' (Buck 1949: 490; Mann 1984/ 87). Yards, gardens andorchards, it seems likely, were perceived as belonging within thehomestead enclosure, as components of domus. Gardening and orchardingmay have been classified as domestic activities. Not surprisingly, womentraditionally played a greater role here than in the fields, actively aspart of their contribution to domestic production and nurturing, andpassively as creatures to be safely confined within enclosing walls,fences, or hedges.A less speculative explanation for the neglect of garden origins isthat the garden - orchard complex developed much later in Southwest Asiathan the agricultural field system. Zohary & Hopf (1994) provide aconservative estimate for the presence of gardens (growing leafvegetables like lettuce, fruits such as melons, and flavouring plantslike onions, leeks, and garlic) in Mesopotamia and Egypt by 2000 BC. Ifone accepts that the garlic cloves and onion scales from the Cave of theTreasure near the Dead Sea are Chalcolithic in date (Bar-Adon 1980: 223;Leach 1982: 9), then earlier horticulture must have existed; neitheronion nor garlic have a known wild progenitor pro��gen��i��torn.1. A direct ancestor.2. An originator of a line of descent.progenitorancestor, including parent.progenitor cellstem cells. in the easternMediterranean, and garlic requires vegetative reproduction vegetative reproductionA form of asexual reproduction in plants, in which multicellular structures become detached from the parent plant and develop into new individuals that are genetically identical to the parent plant. from clovesor inflorescence inflorescenceCluster of flowers on one or a series of branches, which together make a large showy blossom. Categories depend on the arrangement of flowers on an elongated main axis (peduncle) or on sub-branches from the main axis, and on the timing and position of flowering. bulbils, being unable to set seed (Zohary & Hopf1994: 185). A 4th-millennium BC origin for gardening in this areacorrelates well with definite signs of olive- and date-cultivation about3700-3500 BC, and with grapes and figs domesticated do��mes��ti��cate?tr.v. do��mes��ti��cat��ed, do��mes��ti��cat��ing, do��mes��ti��cates1. To cause to feel comfortable at home; make domestic.2. To adopt or make fit for domestic use or life.3. a. by the Early BronzeAge Bronze Age,period in the development of technology when metals were first used regularly in the manufacture of tools and weapons. Pure copper and bronze, an alloy of copper and tin, were used indiscriminately at first; this early period is sometimes called the . As Zohary & Hopf (1994: 235-6) point out, fruit-treecultivation is heavily dependent on vegetative propagation vegetative propagation,the ability of plants to reproduce without sexual reproduction, by producing new plants from existing vegetative structures. Some plants, such as the Canada thistle and most bamboos, send out long underground stems that produce new plants, , presupposinga knowledge of horticultural techniques, and a permanent and safe (i.e.enclosed) location for the trees and vines. Significantly, the Hebrewword for garden is related to the verb to enclose, or to defend (M.Andrew pers. comm.).Horticulture and orcharding should not be seen as minor components ofMediterranean food-production systems, either in Classical (Fussell1972: 21), or modern times (Grigg 1974: 127). Nor were theyinsignificant in early modern England. When instructional books onfarming (then known as husbandry) first appeared in the Englishlanguage English language,member of the West Germanic group of the Germanic subfamily of the Indo-European family of languages (see Germanic languages). Spoken by about 470 million people throughout the world, English is the official language of about 45 nations. , the majority drew heavily on Roman sources such as Cato. Therewas considerable emphasis on garden and orchard practice. Googe's1577 [1971] adaptation of Heresbach's books of husbandry devotedthe first book to arable ground, tillage and pasture; the second to themanagement of gardens, orchards and woods; the third to animalhusbandry animal husbandry,aspect of agriculture concerned with the care and breeding of domestic animals such as cattle, goats, sheep, hogs, and horses. Domestication of wild animal species was a crucial achievement in the prehistoric transition of human civilization from ; and the fourth to the keeping of poultry, fish and bees. Lessinfluenced by the Classical writers, Fitzherbert (1534 [1882]) andTusser (1573 [1984]) divided husbandry duties along gender lines,allocating orchard and farm work to the husband, all forms of gardeningand domestic work to the housewife.In the 17th century, when the words agriculture and horticulturefirst appeared in English (in 1603 and 1678 respectively - OxfordEnglish Dictionary Oxford English Dictionary(OED) great multi-volume historical dictionary of English. [Br. Hist.: Caught in the Web of Words]See : Lexicography ), few instruction manuals covered the full range ofrural activities [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED]. Husbandry - oragriculture as it was increasingly known - was undergoing'improvement' so that more profit could be made from croppingand animal pasturing. At the same time land-owners were exhorted toplant trees and large cider orchards. Gardening appears to have splitinto two streams: that conducted by country women (not well representedin the literature), and the gardens of gentlemen enthusiasts (known as'florists' - e.g. Rea 1665), who raised rare or prestigiousflowers, tender fruits and exotic evergreens within walled gardens andconservatories.English perceptions of non-Western cultivation - a South Pacificcase-studyWhen English explorers first encountered the indigenous cultivatorsof the Pacific in the 18th century, their concepts of agriculture andhorticulture, of farming and gardening, had been distinct and separatefor over a century. Naturally they classified cultural landscapeelements according to land-use in England. But they found no indigenouscultivations in the Pacific they could categorize as'gardens'.Initially, they mis-read some cultural features seen from theirships. Soon after making land-fall at Poverty Bay in the North Island ofNew Zealand New Zealand(zē`lənd), island country (2005 est. pop. 4,035,000), 104,454 sq mi (270,534 sq km), in the S Pacific Ocean, over 1,000 mi (1,600 km) SE of Australia. The capital is Wellington; the largest city and leading port is Auckland. in 1769, Joseph Banks wrote on 8 October (Morrell 1958: 41)On a small peninsula at the NE head, we could plainly see a regularpaling, pretty high inclosing the Top of a Hill, for what purpose manyconjectures were made, most are of opinion or say at least that it mustor shall be either a Park of Deer or a feild of Oxen oxenadult castrated male of any breed of Bos spp. and Sheep.It should be noted that Revesby Abbey Revesby Abbey was a Cistercian monastery located near the village of Revesby in Lincolnshire, England. The abbey was founded in 1143 by William de Roumare, Earl of Lincoln. The first monks came to the abbey from the great Yorkshire house of Rievaulx Abbey. , Banks' country seat, hada deer-park (Morrell 1958: facing p. 113). Not surprisingly Tupaia, theTahitian interpreter, proffered another explanation, believing theenclosure to be a marae maraeNounNZ1. an enclosed space in front of a Maori meeting house2. a Maori meeting house and its buildings [Maori] (a type of sacred site in the Society Islands)(Beaglehole 1968: 191). After seeing similar hill-and cliff-topenclosures along the East Coast and in the Bay of Plenty, withassociated deep ditches and buildings within, Banks accepted Cook'sempirically derived interpretation that they were fortified fortified (fôrt´fīd),adj containing additives more potent than the principal ingredient. villages,recording their name as Epp'ah (pa) on 10 November (Morrell 1958:67).Apart from parks, meadows and fields, the 18th-century English rurallandscape included groves (clusters of trees without much undergrowth),woods, thickets, plantations (deliberately planted trees) and lawns(closely-cropped, mown or natural areas of short grass). Thus Cookdescribed the lowland vegetation of Tahiti as woods, groves ofbreadfruit breadfruit:see mulberry. breadfruitFruit of either of two closely related trees belonging to the mulberry family. Artocarpus communis (also called A. incisa or A. altilis) provides a staple food of the South Pacific. and coconut trees 'without under wood', and smallplantations (Beaglehole 1968: 128). Botany Bay Botany Bay,inlet, New South Wales, SE Australia, just S of Sydney. It was visited in 1770 by James Cook, who proclaimed British sovereignty over the east coast of Australia. The site of the landing is marked by a monument on Inscription Point. in Australia was'deversified with woods, Lawns and Marshes' (Beaglehole 1968:307). On the east coast of New Zealand, Cook contrasted 'woods andverdure' with 'cultivated lands', which he classified as'plantations' as in Tahiti (Beaglehole 1968: 173, 174, 181,186). From the Endeavour, the plantations appeared 'square','dispers'd up and down the Country' and 'laid out inregular inclosures' (Beaglehole 1968: 174, 186, 188). On-shoreinspection at Anaura Bay revealed large plantations, several acres inextent, of sweet potatoes, yams and taro taro:see arum. taroHerbaceous plant (Colocasia esculenta) of the arum family, probably native to Southeast Asia and taken to the Pacific islands. , with gourds planted both inthe cultivations and around the houses. Cook consistently used the term'plantation' for these areas, while Monkhouse the surgeonreferred to them as 'cultivations'. None of the commentatorscalled them gardens, although Monkhouse compared features of them toEnglish gardens (Beaglehole 1968: 583):The ground is compleatly cleared of all weeds - the mold broke withas much care as that of our best gardensandThe Arum arum,common name for the Araceae, a plant family mainly composed of species of herbaceous terrestrial and epiphytic plants found in moist to wet habitats of the tropics and subtropics; some are native to temperate zones. [taro] is planted in little circular concaves, exactly inthe manner our Gard'ners plant Melons as Mr.- [Banks] informs me.Why were they not perceived as gardens? Dr Johnson's Dictionary(1755) provides a clue in Verb 1. clue in - provide someone with a clue; "Can you clue me in?"hint, suggest - drop a hint; intimate by a hint his first entry under Garden:1. A piece of ground inclosed, and cultivated with extraordinarycare, planted with herbs or fruits for food, or laid out for pleasure.By contemporary definition, it seems, a garden had to be enclosed.Until the Europeans inspected these Maori cultivations close up, it wasnot apparent that they utilized any fences. Were they agriculturalfeatures then? After studying one patch with his telescope, Monkhousewrote that it 'appeared turned up in ridges as if it had beenplowed' (Beaglehole 1968: 582). Why then not call them fieldsinstead of plantations? Of Dr Johnson's four examples of the wordplantation used for 'the place planted', three applied toplantations of trees, and the fourth implied difference from a garden.To most 18th-century Englishmen, plantations differed from woods by theregularity of their layout; it was this quality that seems to haveinfluenced Cook's use of the term. His choice was reinforced byBanks' and Monkhouse's descriptions of the plots at AnauraBay. After noting the high degree of tillage, Banks observed that thesweet potatoes 'were planted in small hills, some ranged in rowsothers in quincunx quin��cunx?n.An arrangement of five objects with one at each corner of a rectangle or square and one at the center.[Latin qu all laid by a line most regularly' (Morrell1958: 59). The quincunx pattern had been used in planting trees sincethe 17th century in Britain (Chambers 1993: 10, 43-4). Monkhouserepeated Banks' comment (Beaglehole 1968: 583):The sweet potatoes are set in distinct little molehills which areranged in some in straight lines, in others in quincunx.Both observers then referred to fences - the defining feature which,we might suppose, should have led to the reclassification ReclassificationThe process of changing the class of mutual funds once certain requirements have been met. These requirements are generally placed on load mutual funds. Reclassification is not considered to be a taxable event. of thecultivations as gardens. Monkhouse wrote (Beaglehole 1968: 583-4)these Cultivated spots are enclosed with a perfectly close pailing ofreeds about twenty inches high. The Natives are now at work compleatingthese fences.Banks' version is more explicit (Morrell 1958: 59-60):each distinct patch was fenc'd in, generally with reeds, placedclose one by another, so that scarce a mouse could creep thro'.Cook was of the opinion that this 'low pailing' could'only serve for ornament' (Beaglehole 1968: 186). That it wasa form of internal subdivision not an exterior surrounding fence isconfirmed by Sporing's sketch of the gardens at Anaura Bay[ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2 OMITTED]. Each hillside clearing hasirregular edges - but a neat rectangular layout within (Begg & Begg1969: plate 22; Salmond 1991: 163, 164). Despite meeting DrJohnson's criteria for care of cultivation, these Maori vegetableplots did not constitute gardens in the eyes of the 18th-centuryEuropean observers: they were not properly enclosed.The early 19th century saw Maori cultivators adopt the Solanumpotato, maize, watermelons, pumpkins and squash, new varieties of taro,and various leafy vegetables such as cabbage. In many districts thisadoption preceded direct contact with Europeans. In keeping with thismode of dispersal, in which the plant arrived without any cultivationinstructions, the introductions were classified as if traditionalcultigens and grown accordingly (Leach 1983). This classificatoryprocess is evident in the first Maori names recorded for the new plants.The yam and sweet potato sweet potato,trailing perennial plant (Ipomoea batatas) of the family Convolvulaceae (morning glory family), native to the New World tropics. Cultivated from ancient times by the Aztecs for its edible tubers, it was introduced into Europe in the 16th cent. provided a model for cultivating the Solanumpotato, and the gourd gourd(gôrd, grd), common name for some members of the Cucurbitaceae, a family of plants whose range includes all tropical and subtropical areas and extends into the temperate zones. for the cucurbits. Maize cultivation wasnecessarily more experimental (Leach 1984: 102; Leach in press), andearly crops not always prolific. There is evidence that the desire fortrade-able quantities of Solanum potato encouraged forest clearance at amuch greater rate than under previous swidden swid��den?n.An area cleared for temporary cultivation by cutting and burning the vegetation.[Dialectal alteration of obsolete swithen, from Old Norse svidhna, to be burned.] systems (Leach 1980; Leachin press). Apart from these potato patches among the stumps of freshlyburnt forest, the other crops seem to have been incorporated into thetraditional land-use systems described by Banks and others in the 18thcentury.Even the incorporation in Maori cultivations of European gardenvegetables such as cabbages and watermelons and of European fruits suchas peach did not lead to any reclassification of the Maori plantationsas gardens. A survey has been made for this paper of 28 publicationsthat describe Maori land-use between 1806 and 1850, collating the termsapplied to Maori and European vegetable and fruit plots. For Maoriplots, 14 writers continued to use the 18th-century term'plantation', 9 used the word 'cultivation' or'ground', 7 referred to 'fields' and 7 used'garden' in a loose sense synonymous with synonymous withadjective equivalent to, the same as, identical to, similar to, identified with, equal to, tantamount to, interchangeable with, one and the same as 'cultivation'. Only 2 writers appear to have chosen the term'garden' fully cognizant of its distinctive meaning. Thefirst, John Nicholas John Nicholas may refer to: John Nicholas (congressman) John Nicholas (Devizes MP) (1691–1746), Member of Parliament (MP) for Devizes 1713–1715 Sir John Nicholas (1624–1705), MP for Ripon 1661–1679, for Wilton 1679–1689. , applied the term only to small gardens attached toMaori 'huts' - he called their large kumara kumaraipomoeabatatas. grounds'plantations' (Nicholas 1817 I: 110, 171, 245, 277). Thesecond, and most perceptive from a 20th-century viewpoint, was Dr EdwardShort-land, to whom Maori cultivations were unquestionably un��ques��tion��a��ble?adj.Beyond question or doubt. See Synonyms at authentic.un��question��a��bil gardens. Hewrote (Shortland 1856: 202-3) how the villages of the 18th centurywere surrounded by extensive gardens planted with the sweet potato,the taro, and the melon. Their knowledge of the art of horticulture wasnot inconsiderable in��con��sid��er��a��ble?adj.Too small or unimportant to merit attention or consideration; trivial.in ; for they even employed the method of forming anartificial soil, by mixing sand with the natural soil, in order to makeit light and porous, and so render it more suitable to the growth of thesweet potato.Shortland's insight was not matched by other commentators. Asearly as 1820 when the missionary Thomas Kendall published the firstextensive Maori vocabulary, he translated four key words for acultivated plot (mara, ngakinga, waienga [waerenga], mudunga[?]) as'farm' or 'clearing for a farm'. Soon after, RichardCruise (1823: 301) observed that their 'only implement ofagriculture is a wooden spade'. Building up the case for aprimitive agriculture, Augustus Earle Augustus Earle (c. 1793 - c. 1838) was an London-born travel artist. Unlike earlier artists who worked outside Europe and were employed on voyages of exploration or worked abroad for wealthy, often aristocratic patrons, Earle was able to operate quite independently - able to (1909: 21) wrote of his visit tothe Hokianga in 1827 that he had seenabove 200 acres of cultivated land, and that not slightly turned up,but well worked and cleared; and when the badness of their tools isconsidered, together with their limited knowledge of agriculture, theirpersevering industry I look upon as truly astonishing.Wade (1842: 19) reinforced this view:Even before the introduction of wheat, the New Zealanders might beregarded as partly an agricultural people.Joel Polack (1840: 189-90) was more positive about Maori'agricultural' achievements in the face of what he perceivedas technological inferiority:The native plantations have ever been cultivated with a degree ofneatness far surpassing the generality of European farms, and greatlysuperior to many of the agriculturalists in British America British AmericaSee British North America. and theUnited States United States,officially United States of America, republic (2005 est. pop. 295,734,000), 3,539,227 sq mi (9,166,598 sq km), North America. The United States is the world's third largest country in population and the fourth largest country in area. . Their principal defect has arisen from want of inventionand materials to diminish manual labour, but certainly does notdeteriorate from the extreme cleanliness in weeding and general neatnessof their plantations.Intending British migrants were informed that the Maori, despite theneatness of their cultivation and 'great labour bestowed on theirsmall fields', practised no system of agriculture, cropping, ormanuring (Anon. 1837: 312).Throughout the 19th century, while Maori cultivation was relegated tothe level of primitive agriculture, those same observers extolled theproductivity of missionary gardens of fruit and vegetables (e.g.d'Urville 1950: 178; Yate 1970: 76; Marshall 1836: 104; Darwin1839: 507). Apart from Shortland none of these writers could accept thatwhat the Maori were doing also constituted gardening. Whereas Cook andBanks had difficulty in matching what they observed to the definingcriteria of English gardens, the 19th-century texts show an undertone ofpaternalistic pa��ter��nal��ism?n.A policy or practice of treating or governing people in a fatherly manner, especially by providing for their needs without giving them rights or responsibilities. racial ranking. By classifying Maori as agriculturalists,Europeans could then point to their impoverished technology, theirrefusal to use manure and their lack of crop rotation systems -condemning them in the process as primitive agriculturalists in need ofEuropean technology and knowledge. If they had instead classified themas horticulturalists, and compared Maori gardens with the orchards andgardens of European settlers, the Maori plots would have outranked theEuropean in size, neatness, productivity and precision of layout!When a monograph on Maori cultivation techniques finally appeared, in1925, it was entitled Maori agriculture. The author, Elsdon Best Elsdon Best (30 June 1856 — 9 September 1931) was an ethnographer who made important contributions to the study of the Māori of New Zealand. Early life and career , drewheavily on 19th-century sources, and avoided the use of the term'gardening' throughout. His perception of the Maori asagriculturalists was not informed by a desire to 'improve' and'civilize' them, but to reinforce his theory that theancestors of the Polynesians migrated through India and Indonesia wherethey grew rice (Best 1976: 13):The Polynesians are essentially an agricultural people, and must haveattained that culture stage prior to their leaving the original homelandof the race, wherever that may have been.Best's epithet ep��i��thet?n.1. a. A term used to characterize a person or thing, such as rosy-fingered in rosy-fingered dawn or the Great in Catherine the Great.b. 'agricultural' reappeared in mainstreamthinking about Oceanic land-use for much of the 20th century. EvenMalinowski's (1935) classic study Coral gardens and their magic . .. was sub-titled A study of the methods of tilling the soil and ofagricultural rites in the Trobriand Islands. While ethnographers workingin New Guinea increasingly used the term 'garden' (e.g. R.Bulmer 1965; Modjeska 1982), most archaeologists still used'agriculture' in its generic sense. In New Zealand,traditional Maori land-use was described as agriculture into the 1970s(e.g. Mitcalfe 1970; Fox 1975), and Sue Bulmer has recently written, incontributing to a history of horticulture in New Zealand (1995: 17):The pre-European Maori gardeners were inheritors of a richagricultural tradition from East Polynesia.The ethnobotanist, Jacques Barrau (1965: 56), who was one of thefirst to pursue the distinction between agriculture and horticulture,was concerned that insisting on the separation might be seen as specious spe��cious?adj.1. Having the ring of truth or plausibility but actually fallacious: a specious argument.2. Deceptively attractive. and out-of-date. Not thinking through the difference coloured19th-century attitudes to the Maori and supported invidious in��vid��i��ous?adj.1. Tending to rouse ill will, animosity, or resentment: invidious accusations.2. racialcomparison. But in a more enlightened 20th century, need the distinctionbe so rigorously maintained? I believe the answer is yes, but the issueis much broader than a semantic (often pedantic pe��dan��tic?adj.Characterized by a narrow, often ostentatious concern for book learning and formal rules: a pedantic attention to details. ?) debate. This error inclassification is a telling example of cross-culturalmis-interpretation. For too long European perceptions of Maori land-useand the cultural landscape of Aotearoa/New Zealand were based onEuropean landscape elements and rural economy, when they should havebeen informed by an understanding of the range of Polynesianhorticultural practices and Oceanic attitudes to island environments. Anagricultural mind-set prevented the majority of European observers fromrecognizing the achievements of traditional Maori horticulture:acclimatization acclimatizationAny of numerous gradual, long-term responses of an individual organism to changes in its environment. The responses are more or less habitual and reversible should conditions revert to an earlier state. of five tropical species to temperate climaticconditions; expansion of the genetic diversity of the original plantingmaterial by selection of 'sports'; modification of large areasof garden soils to improve yields; selection for the fastest-maturingsweet potato varieties known; and attainment of high standards of gardencare in keeping with horticulturalists' spiritual and aestheticconcerns for their plants.The same agricultural mind-set is entrenched in many of thecontributions to the long-running international debate on the origins offood production. To demonstrate this point, two major volumes separatedby nearly 20 years have been compared: Charles Reed's Origins ofagriculture (1977) and David Harris' The origins and spread ofagriculture and pastoralism PastoralismArcadiamountainous region of ancient Greece; legendary for pastoral innocence of people. [Gk. Hist.: NCE, 136; Rom. Lit.: Eclogues; Span. Lit. in Eurasia (1996).Reed's Origins of agriculture (1977)Reed's (1977c: 19) Prologue describes agricultureall-embracingly: 'the totality of the human practices involvingthose living secondary energy traps which man plants, breeds, nurtures,grows, guards, preserves, harvests, and prepares for his own use'.Yet his discussion requires 'a complete agriculturalist' bothto cultivate plants and to keep domestic animals (Reed 1977c: 1517), aview of agriculture as mixed farming that was a product of personalexperience, as Reed's Introduction (1977b: 2) engagingly described.In Reed's volume Bennet Bronson was one of the few contributorsto clarify his use of terms. He saw agriculture and horticulture assynonymous, rejecting the notion derived from Carl Sauer (1952) that theformer is 'an attribute of advanced societies' and the latter'intrinsically primitive' (Bronson 1977: 25). He believed itwas misleading to treat horticulture as a distinct system fromagriculture. While lumping agriculturalists and horticulturists, andreserving the collective term 'agriculture' for 'contextsof substantial dependence on plants grown by humans' (Bronson 1977:26), he elevates 'cultivation' as the over-arching termaccommodating both agriculture and any form of deliberate planting, eventhat by a gatherer 'who occasionally puts a seed or cutting intothe ground with the expectation of using the result' (Bronson 1977:26). Thus cultivation can be simpler and older than agriculture.By contrast, Mark Cohen (1977: 139) accepts Jolly's notion ofaccidental 'gardens' in the home-ranges of non-human primates,growing from seeds or plant parts dropped in the course of feeding or infaeces; he also interprets the assemblages of useful plants near thehouses of certain hunter - gatherers as 'gardens', despite thelack of any signs of domestication. For Cohen cohenor kohen(Hebrew: “priest”) Jewish priest descended from Zadok (a descendant of Aaron), priest at the First Temple of Jerusalem. The biblical priesthood was hereditary and male. (1977: 144), agricultureis the end-product of an accumulation of techniques such as weeding,fencing, planting, hoeing, and selecting. In his South Americancase-study he sees no anomaly in the phrase 'sunken-gardenagriculture' (Cohen 1977: 150).In keeping with his emphasis on alternative pathways to agriculture,David Harris (1977) stresses the processes involved in differentfood-production systems. While seed-cropping under appropriateharvesting techniques can lead to domestication and 'traditionalseed agriculture' (Harris 1977: 200), root crop'cultivation' is described as a 'pathway toward foodproduction' rather than toward agriculture (Harris 1977: 209). Hebelieves that 'the small-scale propagation or"protocultivation" of tuberous tuberous/tu��ber��ous/ (too?ber-us) covered with tubers; knobby. See also under sclerosis. tu��ber��ousor tu��ber��oseadj.1. Producing or bearing tubers.2. plants by vegetative vegetative/veg��e��ta��tive/ (vej?e-ta?tiv)1. of, pertaining to, or characteristic of plants.2. concerned with growth and nutrition, as opposed to reproduction.3. techniquesmay be an ancient and wide-spread practice among tropical hunter -gatherers' (Harris 1977: 215). Like Bronson, he avoids the words'gardening' and 'horticulture' for this form of foodproduction, preferring 'cultivation' or'protocultivation'.Chet Gorman (1977: 321) usefully criticizes this notion of an early'pre-cereal, root crop horticulture' with special reference toSoutheast Asia. He cites two of the few publications that have exploredthe distinction between horticultural and agricultural practices, Ames(1939) and Barrau (1965). But it is apparent that this prior stage offood production is frequently called pre-cereal 'agriculture',in the same sense as Jack Harlan (1977: 372) talks of the replacement ofSoutheast Asian 'agriculture based on roots and trees'.In the opposite camp, Donald Lathrap (1977: 715) sees the 'housegarden' as potentially having Pleistocene origins in South America,serving as an experimental plot from which plants that would laterbecome starch staples would be transferred for bulk production inswidden plots (chacras). He describes chacras as 'agriculturalland, . . . conceptually distinct from the house garden' (Lathrap1977: 733).Concluding the volume, Reed (1977d: 884), prepared to accept aconsiderable antiquity for 'garden horticulture', sees therise of civilizations as ultimately dependent on cereal agriculture.This collection of papers offers considerable support for a period ofpre-agricultural, pre-cereal plant food production in tropical regions,but is divided in opinion as to whether this should be called gardening/horticulture or cultivation/protocultivation. Modern root and tree-cropcultivators described in the volume are generally seen as participantsin agricultural systems; many contributors speak of gardens and fieldstogether constituting agriculture in particular areas.Harris' The origins and spread of agriculture and pastoralism inEurasia (1996)Nearly 20 years later, David Harris has assembled a book which forthe first time addresses Europe and China as two ends of a continuousland-mass, reflecting substantial new work, and clarifying of problemareas such as dating and identifications in key parts of Asia. Theintroduction contains an important statement (Harris 1996b: 3):The published literature on 'agricultural origins' ischaracterized by a confusing multiplicity of terms for the conceptualcategories that define our discourse. There is little agreement aboutwhat precisely is meant by such terms as agriculture, horticulture,cultivation, domestication and husbandry. This semantic confusionmilitates against clear thinking about the phenomena we investigate,leads to misunderstanding, and can provoke unnecessary disputes overinterpretation of the evidence.Rather than arbitrarily assign meanings, as Bronson did in 1977,Harris prefers to define these terms 'in relation to one another,along evolutionary continua con��tin��u��a?n.A plural of continuum. of interaction between people and the plantsand animals they depend on' (Harris 1996b: 3). At the point wherepeople begin to cultivate numbers of wild plants, they cross thethreshold from wild plant-food procurement to wild plant-foodproduction. Although such cultivation can increase in impact tolarge-scale land clearance and systematic tillage, the threshold leadingto agriculture can be crossed only when the plants are predominantly orwholly domesticated. Two of Harris' contributors, Spriggs (1996:525) and Hather (1996: 548), argue against the use of domestication as athreshold criterion. In response, Harris (1996c: 553) refines hiscriteria for agriculture to give more emphasis to spatial scale, labourdemands/energy input and environmental impact.Only two diffusionists were prominent in Reed's (1977) volume,George Carter and Donald Lathrap, who proposed Old World influences onprehistoric New World food production. Diffusion is now respectable, tothe point where agricultural origins are described as events (evenaccidents) that may have occurred in as few as two places in Eurasia(Blumler 1996: 37-8; Sherratt 1996: 140; Harris 1996c: 569). Singledomestication events characterize the genetic changes that occurred innearly all the Southwest Asian crop plants (Zohary 1996). But Hillman Hillman was a famous British automobile marque, manufactured by the Rootes Group. It was based in Ryton-on-Dunsmore, near Coventry, England, from 1907 to 1976. Before 1907 the company had built bicycles. repeats earlier warnings: the mutations that mark domestication dependon favourable harvesting methods for their selection (Hillman 1992;Hillman 1996: 193).For those contributions to this volume addressing Southwest Asia, theterm agriculture is used without strain in discussion of origins. InEuropean contexts several papers question the nature of Neolithicagriculture. Martin Jones, Terry Brown & Robin Allaby (1996: 95)note that permanent transformations of the ecosystem are not apparent inthe European pollen record for 2000-4000 years after first appearance ofNeolithic cultures. If Harris' threshold criterion of significantenvironmental change is adopted, should food production in NeolithicEurope be termed 'agricultural' in its early stages?Independently, Paul Halstead (1996: 302) argues that land-usepre-conditions for extensive cereal agriculture in Greece Agriculture in Greece is based on small-sized family-owned dispersed units, while the extent of cooperative organisation stays at low comparative levels, against all efforts that have been taken in the last 30 years, mainly under European Union supervision. were notpresent until the 2nd millennium BC; earlier land holdings were'often farmed under an intensive 'horticultural' regime,rather than a scaled-down version of plough agriculture'. What thenshould production regimes in southwest Asia be termed before theinvention of the plough? In northwest Europe, Thomas (1996: 313) findsthat the pigeon-hole terms 'hunter-gatherer' and'agricultural' obscure the diversity of local responses toNeolithic influences, while Marek Zvelebil (1996: 325,328) refers to'mixed hunting - farming groups' eventually shifting to'agro-pastoral farming'.Richard Meadow's (1996: 392) definitions of both agriculture anddomestication, in his paper on northwestern South Asia, are broad andtraditional - appropriate for regions which have adopted cropassemblages from elsewhere, already domesticated:agriculture can be seen as the practice of growing crops. . . .Anyone who sows or harvests domesticated plants is involved inagriculture'.Glover & Higham's (1996) terminology for South, Southeastand East Asia has to accommodate a very wide range of cultivationpractices, ranging from 'receding flood agriculture' topermanent 'terrace-field paddy systems', from bone spadecultivation to water buffalo water buffalo:see buffalo. water buffaloor Indian buffaloAny of three subspecies of oxlike bovid (species Bubalus bubalis). Two have been domesticated in Asia since the earliest recorded history. ploughing, and from broadcast sowing totransplanting from nursery beds. All are treated as'agriculture'. At the same time, identification of fruits andvegetables in 4th-millennium and possibly earlier Chinese village sitesindicates the presence of plants that are not components of rice fields,which would have needed specialized house gardens/orchards for theirproduction (Glover & Higham 1996: 428, table 23.2).Imamura's (1996) review of the origins of food production inJapan perpetuates the 1977 view of pre-agricultural cultivation. Jomonhunter-gatherers cultivated several plant species; as none wereconsidered 'staple foods', a 'full-scaleagriculture' did not commence until the arrival of wet-ricevarieties about 2400 years ago (Imamura 1996: 451, 453, 455). Riceplants are believed to have been raised in nursery beds and transplantedinto the embanked irrigated fields, a degree of intensificationremarkable for the beginning of agriculture.Peter Bellwood, while seeing no evidence for a pre-cereal horizon inChina and Southeast Asia, points out (1996: 476-7) that 'vegetativehorticulture' was the only form of cultivation in New Guinea andWestern Oceania. Terminologically, he consistently refers to the NewGuinea evidence as 'agriculture', a usage he shares with JackGolson, who has frequently described the Kuk features in the WahgiValley as gardens within a 'swampland agriculture' system(e.g. Golson 1982: 119). Other commentators on the New Guinea evidenceare less certain about terminology. Tim Bayliss-Smith's (1996)title asks whether the New Guinea Highlands The New Guinea Highlands, also known as the Central Range or Central Cordillera, are a chain of mountain ranges and intermountain valleys on the island of New Guinea which run generally east-west the length of the island. were 'agriculturalhearthland or horticultural backwater'; the critical question is atwhat point should New Guinea prehistoric cultivation be described as'intensive agriculture' (Bayliss-Smith 1996: 499). MatthewSpriggs, in restricting the term 'agriculture' to 'thecreation of agro-ecosystems that limit subsistence choice because ofenvironmental transformation or labour demands' (Spriggs 1996:525), regards the presence or absence of morphological domestication asirrelevant, especially in the Pacific area. For Spriggs, cultivation orhunter-horticulturalism (cf. Guddemi 1992: 312) was not leadinginexorably to agriculture within this area (1996: 534):The message of this chapter is that neither evidence of domesticationnor of cultivation is enough when talking about the origins ofagriculture. Subsistence systems incorporating both could well have beenwidespread (in appropriate environmental contexts) in the latePleistocene and early Holocene in many parts of the world, and had nonecessary trajectory in the direction of agriculture in any particularcase.Despite Spriggs' denial of an evolutionary trajectory, thisproposition may lead to an elevation of agriculture as the only path to'civilization', and the perception of horticulture as a'primitive' system, as it was frequently viewed in the 1970s.If adopted, Jon Hather's (1996) use of the terms'vegeculture' and 'arboriculture' might prevent thismis-conception of horticulture; they are unlikely to suppress thetendency to identify steps on the pathway to sophisticated Westernagriculture with extant or ethnographically recorded production systems.Terminological trendsThe principal change over the two decades that separate these twovolumes is a reduced meaning of 'agriculture', with terms like'horticulture', 'vegeculture' or'cultivation' used for less productive systems that have lessenvironmental impact. Further contraction may occur, to the point thatthe term 'agriculture' may be restricted to cereal-croppingsystems. Terms like 'horticulture' take on a catch-all role,despite the fact that they too carry conceptual baggage that needsunpacking.Although 'agriculture' has long been used in both a genericsense for food-production systems (as by cultural geographers, e.g.Grigg 1974), and in a more specific sense for systems involving seedcropping or mixed farming, the nearly synonymous words'horticulture' and 'gardening' have always conveyedspecific images to readers, whether of the enclosed Western garden offlowers, vegetables and fruit, or of the multifunctional tropicalhouse-garden. As Gorman (1977) noted, the ethnobotanist Jacques Barrauisolated the distinctive features of horticulture vis a vis agriculturesome 30 years ago (Barrau 1965: 56). Subsequently the present author hasexpanded his criteria (Leach 1984: 3-5).The different scale of operations in the garden (hortus) and in thefield (ager) go beyond simple quantitative variation. There is aqualitative difference in the attitudes to planting material: farmerssow their seed and harvest it en masse in a collective approach.Gardeners handle their plants individually at various stages in theirgrowth. Often garden plants are vegetatively propagated by hand fromcuttings, rhizomes, bulbs and off-shoots. Historically the distinctionbetween horticulture and agriculture has had major implications forgenetic diversity. Gardeners, rapidly spotting variation in theirindividually handled cultigens, can risk experimentation with a newcultivar cultivarAny variety of a plant, originating through cloning or hybridization (see clone, hybrid), known only in cultivation. In asexually propagated plants, a cultivar is a clone considered valuable enough to have its own name; in sexually propagated plants, a . Gardeners' close familiarity with their plants encouragesinterest in new varieties. The traditional gardening communities studiedby Barrau in Oceania recognized and perpetuated dozens of varieties oftheir staple food plants. Agricultural selection, on the other hand,favours conformity in characteristics; unless agrarian practice changes,new hybrids or mutations affecting plant size and maturation time havelittle chance of perpetuation.The qualitative differences extend to material culture. Most gardentools are not small versions of agricultural implements. Technologicallysimple and functionally well adapted to human ergonomics, they havepersisted in the same shapes, regardless of the overall level oftechnology in the culture using them. Agricultural tools have becomeincreasingly complex and mechanized as the power source has increasedfrom human, to traction animal, to tractor. Gardens are not smallfields, their size constrained by lack of available energy or equipment,and garden tools are not to be judged as primitive agriculturalimplements.Barrau (1965) also pointed to a difference in the relationshipbetween gardeners and their plants, and that between farmers and theircrops. An 'amitie respectueuse' characterized the Oceanicgardeners' attitudes to their plants, often manifest in a concernfor garden tidiness and aesthetics, as well as ritual practice, so welldescribed by Malinowski in his Coral gardens and their magic . . .(1935). Tim Ingold's contribution to Harris (1996) similarly findstraditional gardeners seeing themselves as partners with the plant worldrather than 'producers'.ConclusionsThe case-study has demonstrated that the classification frameworksthat underlie our terminology can distort our thinking, especially inrelation to our perceptions of non-western cultures. For ourarchaeological debates over origins we select words (like'garden' and 'horticulture') that already have anentrenched history of semantic change. Equally risky is the adoption ofwords (like 'man' and 'agriculture') that have bothgeneric and specific meanings. The logic behind the deliberate creationof neologisms over the past three centuries may provide a guide tofuture practice. New or relatively neutral terms (like'vegeculture', 'food production' and'cultivation') require readers to consider (in an activesense) their definition. 'Gardening' summons up images that'vege-culture' does not. 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