The childhood of William Lanne: contact archaeology and Aboriginality in Tasmania.

The childhood of William Lanne: contact archaeology and Aboriginality in Tasmania. Introduction In recent years, perhaps as a consequence of the self-reflectiveturn in archaeology, and concern for the social and politicalimplications of their practice, archaeologists have been more outspokenabout their own emotions. They have never been completely silent.Nilsson's (1868) feelings of revulsion towards Lapps were hardlyhidden, Worsaae's (1849) nationalistic fervour, Childe's(1933; 1944) horror of Nazi archaeology Nazi archaeology refers to the movement led by various Nazi leaders, archaeologists, and other scholars, such as Adolf Hitler and Heinrich Himmler, to recreate the German past in order to strengthen nationalism. and Grahame Clark's (1936;1939) rejection of Childe's Soviet sympathies were real enough. Buta post-processual archaeology seems to claim that our emotions (ourresponses as people?) can be valuable in deconstructing archaeology andarchaeological knowledge. Relationships between archaeologists and post-colonial indigenouspeoples have also been fraught with emotion in recent decades. A largeliterature surveys the topic, usually reduced (ineffectively as ittranspires) to a 'debate' about 'who owns the past'(see e.g. McBryde 1985; 1992; Murray 1992; 1993). Competition betweenindigenous peoples and archaeologists over the control of heritage doesstill occur (given that issues of identity arise, it is hardlysurprising); nevertheless control over sites and artefacts is only partof the story. Matters of interpretation are much more difficult. Banningunpopular accounts, or granting access only to those archaeologistswhose interpretations are 'correct', courts the charge ofcensorship and, perhaps more seriously, can lead to a loss of moralauthority. The lesson that the past does not belong to any single group,hard enough for archaeologists to learn, is all the more difficult forthose who consider that their very identity might be threatened bydisputes over interpretation -- disputes over which they may have verylittle control. Australian Aboriginal people now play in the game ofinterpretation, and can enhance their participation by producinginterpretations of Aboriginal history and archaeology which meet theirown needs (see e.g. Tasmanian Aboriginal Centre Inc. 1991; McKellar1984; Benterrak et al. 1984; Shaw 1981). However, the fact remains thatthey share the field of interpretation with others who may well havedifferent viewpoints and agendas (e.g. Mulvaney & White 1987; Morphy& Morphy 1985). In this context we might argue that polyvocality is a sign ofrelevance and significance, and that to repress re��pressv.1. To hold back by an act of volition.2. To exclude something from the conscious mind. it would be to reimpose Re`im`pose´v. t. 1. To impose anew.Verb 1. reimpose - impose anew; "The fine was reimposed"levy, impose - impose and collect; "levy a fine" the artificial consensus of positivism positivism(pŏ`zĭtĭvĭzəm), philosophical doctrine that denies any validity to speculation or metaphysics. Sometimes associated with empiricism, positivism maintains that metaphysical questions are unanswerable and that the only and empiricism empiricism(ĕmpĭr`ĭsĭzəm)[Gr.,=experience], philosophical doctrine that all knowledge is derived from experience. For most empiricists, experience includes inner experience—reflection upon the mind and its . However, it isquite another thing to comprehend the emotional consequences of arelativism of interpretation, particularly for those who have rathermore at stake than an expansion of contemporary social theory or fungames with signifiers. Of course, part of the power and attraction ofpolyvocality is connected to the sense of instability of concepts andcategories it can bring, an instability that does much to reveal theconsequences of previous consensus accounts as limiting or restrictingour imaginations as archaeologists. However, instability has itsdownside, especially for people who may be the victims of clear (andunresolved) inequalities of power and resources. For them polyvocalitymay threaten the frameworks which underwrite identity andself-determination. There is no formula solution for these problems beyond a commitmentamong the disputant parties to communicate, and for them to accept thediscipline communication implies (Murray 1993). This discipline, withits emphasis on self-reflection, the building of theory and the exposureof the 'hidden' criteria which allow us to determine theplausibility of archaeological knowledge claims, becomes all the moreimportant in the field of contact archaeology. Here the conceptual fieldis crowded, and the stakes higher. In Australia the overcrowded field is a consequence of a sharedhistory, and the arguments turn on matters of identity. Over the lasttwo decades the shared history has dramatically changed its form andcontent, and identity has proved chimerical chi��mer��i��cal? also chi��mer��icadj.1. Created by or as if by a wildly fanciful imagination; highly improbable.2. Given to unrealistic fantasies; fanciful.3. . Both indigenes and invadershave a keen interest in their respective identities. After 200 years ofsearching, neither have proved to be singular or immutable IMMUTABLE. What cannot be removed, what is unchangeable. The laws of God being perfect, are immutable, but no human law can be so considered. . Aboriginalpeople seek to redefine themselves both in terms of their deeper pasts,as well as their more immediate pasts and presents (see e.g. Beckett1988; Keefe 1988; Palmer 1987). Given the historical experience ofdispossession The wrongful, nonconsensual ouster or removal of a person from his or her property by trick, compulsion, or misuse of the law, whereby the violator obtains actual occupation of the land. Dispossession encompasses intrusion, disseisin, or deforcement. , and of living 'with the white people' (Reynolds1990), many Australian Aboriginal people do not lead traditional lives.Many have European, Melanesian or Asian blood-relatives. Yet all areconsidered to be Aboriginal people, with Aboriginality defined largelyin terms of a person's identification with place or community, andtheir acceptance by that community. For the non-Aboriginal population, creating (or even locating) asense of the Australian identity has been something of a field-sportsince the 19th century. Forays into painting, song, literature,landscape and particularly Test Match cricket are frequently undertakento locate the state of 'Australianness', even after massivepost-war migration has broadened the base of non-Aboriginal Australiafrom predominantly Anglo-Celtic towards a highly complex multiculturalmix of people drawn everywhere from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe. In recent years support for a Republic of Australia, which wouldinvolve cutting ties with the British monarchy This article is about the monarchy of the United Kingdom, one of sixteen that share a common monarch; for information about this constitutional relationship, see Commonwealth realm; for information on the reigning monarch, see Elizabeth II. , has gradually overcomethe view (which was widespread until the late 1960s) that Britishinstitutions were required to ensure the proper functioning of newsocieties which were thought to have very little history and even lessintellectual sophistication so��phis��ti��cate?v. so��phis��ti��cat��ed, so��phis��ti��cat��ing, so��phis��ti��catesv.tr.1. To cause to become less natural, especially to make less naive and more worldly.2. . An important part of this package was thenotion that colonial science should always be derivative from themetropolitan, and that the really significant questions, perspectives(sometimes even data) either came from the metropolitan, or were bestpursued there. Only lately have Australians begun to question both the inherentsuperiority of metropolitan institutions and their cultural products.The fact that Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people have begun tounderstand that in a very real sense they define each other is both aproduct and a cause of that questioning. Such great changes to thecultural landscape of Australia can be frightening as well asliberating. Assuming responsibility for Australia's past as well asits future has meant that both segments of the population are feelingtheir way into their new roles here, still defining their emotionalresponses to a shared past which has rarely risen above indifference anddomination, but which frequently has been far worse. Information aboutthis shared past has, until recently, been lacking. A decade ago Henry Reynolds Henry Reynolds may be: Henry Reynolds (historian), Australian historian Henry Reynolds (poet), English poet and critic of the seventeenth century Henry Reynolds (VC), English World War I recipient of the Victoria Cross Henry Reynolds (archaeologist) in The other side of the frontier(1982) began to change white perceptions of the Australian frontier,particularly of the complex role played by Aboriginal people in theEuropean colonization of their country. Using archaeology, ethnographyand oral and written historical testimony, Reynolds showed how dangerousit was to generalize about the nature of the 19th-century Australianfrontier, giving a tremendous fillip to contact archaeology as well asto contact history. In the 1961 conference which laid the ground-rulesfor a broad programme of research into Australian Aboriginal life(Stanner & Shiels 1963), no priority was given to contactarchaeology as a field of research; there was not even a mention of theneed to write Aboriginal history. We now more clearly understand thatAboriginal history has been the hidden history of Australia The history of Australia began when people first migrated to the Australian continent from the north, at least 40,000-45,000 years ago. The written history of Australia began when Dutch explorers first sighted the country in the 17th century. , and theprimary task of the contact archaeologist and historian of AboriginalAustralia is to uncover it. Frequently this information has the capacityto cause great distress to both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people; italso poses deep moral questions, such as finding a workable legal basisfor recognizing the prior ownership of Australia by Aboriginal people. These are emotional matters for both the producers and theconsumers of archaeological knowledge. The purpose of this paper is toexemplify the process whereby the discovery of Aboriginal history andcontact archaeology has helped foster a climate where such newframeworks might be built. The example is drawn from the contactarchaeology of northwest tasmanian frontier and recent research on theVan Diemen's Land Company The Van Diemen's Land Company was created in 1824 , received a Royal Charter in 1825 [1] and was granted 250,000 acres (1,000 km2) in northwest Tasmania in 1826 . (VDL VDL - Vienna Definition Language ). The VDL Company (1825--1850) The Van Diemen's Land Company was (with the AustralianAgricultural Company) one of the two great joint-stock companies toundertake private colonizations in Australia during the 19th century.Formed in 1925 in London with a paid-up capital of [pound]1,000,000, theVDL had the primary purpose of producing fine wool for export to theLondon market. The motivations for the investment are complex, and themachinations undertaken by the Court of Directors in promoting thescheme and establishing the Company are described in detail elsewhere(Meston 1958; Murray 1988; Le Couteur 1978; Stokes 1963). In 1825 theVDL was granted 250,000 acres in northwest Tasmania, none of which hadbeen traversed by European explorers. It was not even known whether theland would be suitable for the Company's purpose. Led by its ChiefTasmanian Agent, the redoubtable re��doubt��a��ble?adj.1. Arousing fear or awe; formidable.2. Worthy of respect or honor.[Middle English redoubtabel, from Old French redoutable, from Edward Curr Edward Micklethwaite Curr (25 December 1820 – 3 August 1889) was an Australian pastoralist and squatter.Curr was born in Hobart, Tasmania (then known as Van Diemen's Land), the eldest of eleven surviving children of Edward (1798-1850) and Elizabeth (n��e Micklethwaite) , large sums of money wereexpended in infrastructure development (from making roads to laying outtowns and ports), importing stock and clearing primary temperaterainforest. By 1851 the Company, effectively bust, had largely ceasedits pastoral and agricultural operations. Again, for reasons too complexto be related here, it has survived to the present day -- albeit in adramatically altered form (see Murray 1988; Stokes 1963). Yet duringthis quarter-century the European landscape of northwest Tasmania, andthe economy of the region, was created by VDL policy. The VDL was alsothe primary agency for the destruction of traditional Aboriginal societyin the northwest. Initially archaeological research on the VDL Company focused firston the development of managerial strategies among trans-nationalentities, which came to be a hallmark of the industrial age. The VDLCompany, with its detailed reporting and complex (perhaps cumbersome)management, represents one (unsuccessful) attempt to control activitiestaking place very far away, within the confines of mid-19th-centurytransport and communication. In this case managerial decision-making wason a six-month time-lag, and there are significant implications flowingfrom this near-vacuum of decision and response vis-a-vis the developmentof corporations with a shorter cycle of decision-making. The second focus was on the material consequences of these VDLpolicies. The VDL stands as an excellent example of a privatecolonization in Australia -- one of a very few world wide which hassurvived into the present with a complex interplay of state and marketthat had a tremendous impact on the human geography Human geography, is a branch of geography that focuses on the study of patterns and processes that shape human interaction with the environment, with particular reference to the causes and consequences of the spatial distribution of human activity on the Earth's surface. of northwestTasmania in the 'making of the northwest Tasmanian landscape'.As the VDL was the primary agent of European colonization in thenorthwest of Tasmania, the imprint of the aspirations of its Directorsand managers is found in the names of towns, the size of land-holdings,the designs of farm houses, the placement of roads and ports, even inthe bloodlines of local blood stock. In the first phases of research Aboriginal history and contactarchaeology were seen as being peripheral to the larger task ofintegrating policy, company ideology, landscape and material cultureinto a convincing account of the first 25 years of VDL operations.Historical research (e.g. Plomley 1966; Ryan 1981) demonstrated thatclashes had occurred between the VDL servants and the local Aboriginalpopulation, but in the absence of detailed investigations of the VDLarchive by Lennox (1990) and subsequently by myself, there seemed to belittle that would survive archaeologically of this period of conflict.Indeed, I understood Burghley as being primarily a European site, andthereby (probably unconsciously) excluded an Aboriginal dimension. Againunconsciously, I was subscribing to the view that European settlementhad wiped the slate of history clean, it had created the country anew.Thus initial investigations at Burghley conformed to a model of doingthe archaeology of European Australia. Aboriginal involvement in thisresearch was considered to be necessary only if unambiguous evidence ofAboriginal activity was found on the site, and the historical researchindicated that an Aboriginal occupation of Burghley was highly unlikely. Excavation of the site has refocused research into the VDL awayfrom a primary concern with ideology and landscape into a broaderinvestigation of the consequences of dispossession of the localAboriginal people. These consequences extend beyond the murders anddeportations, which were a central feature of the frontier experience innorthwest Tasmania. My concern is to understand how the factor ofconflict, between white and black and between convict and gaoler, masterand servant An archaic generic legal phrase that is used to describe the relationship arising between an employer and an employee.A servant is anyone who works for another individual, the master, with or without pay. , also shaped VDL ideology and policy. Excavation of Burghleyhas revealed more of the hidden history of the contact period inTasmania and provided an opportunity for recognizing the validity of amuch broader Aboriginal interest in the archaeology of European places;particularly in places where there may be no direct evidence ofAboriginal activity, but which were, nonetheless, founded and maintainedin opposition to Aboriginal people. Burghley and the Tasmanians 1827--1842 Burghley, in the heart of the Surrey Hills Surrey Hills may refer to: Surrey Hills AONB - an Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty in Surrey, England Surry Hills, New South Wales - a suburb of Sydney, Australia Surrey Hills, Victoria - a suburb of Melbourne, Australia Surrey Hills railway station, Melbourne area of the VDL grant(see FIGURE 1), was the first of the stock camps established in the areain 1827. Its abandonment by the Comapny around 1839 marked a change inland-use strategies, as the VDL attempted to reduce the level of itsinvolvement in the Surrey Hills. The Surrey Hills were a natural focusfor a research project examining institutional failure, because it wasin the Hills that the VDL failed spectacularly, after the highest hopes. [CHART OMITTED] The Surrey Hills were first explored by Henry Hellyer in 1827. Anavid reader of German romantic poetry, he equated spectacular scenerywith quality farm land (Meston 1958: 22--8). His reports of park-likeuplands ringed by snow-capped mountains stirred the imagination of a VDLmanagement needing a place to de-pasture the first consignment of sheepwhich were enduring the sea voyage from England. It transpired that the park-like aspect was the result of intensiveAboriginal burning (the subject of a separate, but related researchproject: Murray et al. 1989), that the soils were too poor foragriculture, that the remnant nothofagus and schlerophyll forests wereever-ready to re-colonize the grasslands, that it snowed in summer andthat the Aboriginal inhabitants of the Hills were in a mood to resistdispossession. Nearly all of the first consignment of sheep froze todeath in the first year, a devastating blow to the fledgling enterprise.The loss in self-confidence was greater. Henry Hellyer's romanticsensibilities were never to recover. Although a superb surveyor and ahighly competent leader, especially in the incredibly tough country ofupland northwest Tasmania, he succumbed to melancholy and blew his headoff some three years later (Rollins 1988). Burghley was excavated between 1988 and 1990 (FIGURE 2). After twoseasons the outlines of a house attached to a more substantialchimney-butt of mortared rock have been defined. Other importantfeatures are a midden middendungheap. , a drain and two cobbled cob��ble?1?n.1. A cobblestone.2. Geology A rock fragment between 64 and 256 millimeters in diameter, especially one that has been naturally rounded.3. cobbles See cob coal.tr. areas. So far the stoneand bone tools, bottle-glass, ceramics and the faunal assemblage havebeen closely examined. We have located some of the features which werevery briefly outlined by George Augustus Robinson in the bestdescription (we do not have an illustration), made on 24 August 1830(Plomley 1966: 206): [CHART OMITTED] Burghleigh (sic) establishment consists of several wood buildingsenclosed within a fence, and a ploughed paddock, and is one of theprincipal sheepwalks of the Company in the Surrey Hills. Lieutenant Governor Arthur made some pithy pith��y?adj. pith��i��er, pith��i��est1. Precisely meaningful; forceful and brief: a pithy comment.2. Consisting of or resembling pith. observations in theHobart Town Courier of 7 February 1829: In the evening of this day the party reached Burghley, theCompany's stock hut at the Surry (sic) Hills. It lies in an openforest which has but little feed for sheep, and nothing to recommend iteither in a picturesque or useful point of view. Excavation has shown the house was destroyed by fire, and that thebuilding was inhabited by Aboriginal people after its abandonment by theVDL. The evidence for burning is the charred remains of the floor boardsand beams which lie at the base of the chimney-butt, surviving theconflagration because of the collapse of the chimney itself. Furtherevidence that a single fire destroyed the building comes from thecharcoal hazes which are all that remains of the walls and thefoundations of the house. Aboriginal occupation after abandonment by the VDL is supported bythree lines of evidence; each taken in isolation is circumstantial andunconvincing. Taken together, the argument for an Aboriginalreoccupation of Burghley after its abandonment by the VDL is compelling. Stratigraphic stra��tig��ra��phy?n.The study of rock strata, especially the distribution, deposition, and age of sedimentary rocks.strat evidence Large numbers of Aboriginal stone artefacts were found on the site,in the main clustering around the house. At the base of the chimneybutta quartz manuport was wedged between the fallen chimney stones and thecharred floorboards in association with a broken clay pipe, the remainsof a tin can, a spoon and a musket musket:see small arms. musketMuzzle-loading shoulder firearm developed in 16th-century Spain. Designed as a larger version of the harquebus, muskets were fired with matchlocks until flintlocks were developed in the 17th century; flintlocks were flint (see FIGURE 3). After the firstexcavation season we felt that the stone tools were from an earlier(pre-European) occupation; the evidence from the second season clearlyindicates that the bulk of the stone tools were deposited after the sitewas abandoned by the Company servants. [CHART OMITTED] That said, a stone tool was recovered from a level 10 cm below thefoundations of the house, along with an in situ In place. When something is "in situ," it is in its original location. deposit of charcoal,which has given an uncalibrated radiocarbon determination of 3370[+ or-]90 b.p. (Beta-38780). On this basis we can, at the very least, arguethat Aboriginal people occupied the site prior to the contact phase ofTasmanian history. Further work in an associated research project(Cosgrove 1992; Hartzell 1992; Murray et al. 1989; Murray & Cosgrove1991; Pickering 1991) confirms a complex settlement system linkingshelter sites and open sites such as Burghley which may well have a longHolocene history. A final, related item of stratigraphic evidence comes from thecontents of the chimney itself. Its lower segments and the hearth itselfwere clogged with fine ash and animal bones (the bulk from indigenoustaxa such as possum possumor phalangerAny of several species (family Phalangeridae) of nocturnal, arboreal marsupials of Australia and New Guinea. They are 22–50 in. (55–125 cm) long, including the long prehensile tail, and have woolly fur. ). This deposit, appearing to have been created byresidents not cleaning out the hearth, may have led to the chimneycatching fire, and the house burning down. Documentary evidence A type of written proof that is offered at a trial to establish the existence or nonexistence of a fact that is in dispute.Letters, contracts, deeds, licenses, certificates, tickets, or other writings are documentary evidence. Given the remarks of George Augustus Robinson (Plomley 1966) andCompany servants that the Surrey Hills was a favoured hunting ground forthe tribes of northwest tasmania, a pre-contact site at Burghley was apossibility. But the evidence for the mixing of Aboriginal and Europeanmaterial culture was surprising. All the documentary evidence to handindicates open warfare between the Aboriginal people and the Companyservants shortly after Burghley was built, that continued until the verylast of the Aborigines aborigines:see Australian aborigines. were deported to Flinders Island in 1842. Ashared occupation at Burghley is out of the question. Burghley wasregularly attacked, and its occupants were driven off on more than oneoccasion. A good example is the events around 25 September 1828, when athalf-past three in the morning Henry Hellyer reported (from Emu Bay) tothe Company headquarters at Circular Head (further to the west on thecoast) (VDL 23/2: 304): On my arrival here this afternoon September 24 two of the men fromBurghleigh had reached this place in a most deplorable state namelyGunshannon and N. Russell and at this moment at half past five poorMurray and McGuffee literally covered with blood have just crawled fromthe same place. The natives attacked them yesterday afternoon 23rd at 3o'clock and left one or two of them for dead and the poor lacerated lacerated/lac��er��at��ed/ (las��er-at?ed) torn; mangled; wounded by a jagged instrument. lac��er��at��edadj.Cut or wounded in a jagged manner. have been ever since getting thus far. Geoff Lennox (n.d.) has tabulated the violence between Companyservants and Aboriginal people on the Company lands which occurredbetween 1827 and 1842. He has noted a sharp escalation of conflict inthe Surrey Hills from 1828 until George Augustus Robinson's'mission of conciliation' reached the tribes of the northwestbetween February and November 1832, and when the bulk of the indigenouspopulation was induced to leave their lands. During this period therewas a sharp divergence between the 'official' policy of theCompany (and especially of its Tasmanian Agent, Edward Curr), and thereality of life in the bush where the behaviour of some shepherds andconvicts veered between an arrogant disregard for Aboriginal lives (andespecially of the liberty of Aboriginal women) and a justified fear ofreprisal reprisal,in international law, the forcible taking, in time of peace, by one country of the property or territory belonging to another country or to the citizens of the other country, to be held as a pledge or as redress in order to satisfy a claim. . Lennox estimates that the bulk of the attacks by Aborigines werereprisals for murders, rapes or abductions by servants of the VDL. Theincident reported above was held by Lennox to be a response to theshooting of an Aboriginal woman by two Company servants earlier thatSeptember. Although there was occasionally a measure of panic among theVDL servants, for the most part they were able to 'retaliate'in an 'effective' manner, kicking off a spiral of violencewhere actions of almost unimaginable savagery took place against abackground of official policies of conciliation conciliation:see mediation. . Yet there was alwayssome ambiguity. After the attack on Burghley, the Court of Directors inLondon expressed their sympathy to the wounded but emphasized (VDL 1/4:Despatch No. 93, 6 April 1829, Directors to Curr) that every measureshould be tried to conciliate con��cil��i��ate?v. con��cil��i��at��ed, con��cil��i��at��ing, con��cil��i��atesv.tr.1. To overcome the distrust or animosity of; appease.2. and civilize civ��i��lize?tr.v. civ��i��lized, civ��i��liz��ing, civ��i��liz��es1. To raise from barbarism to an enlightened stage of development; bring out of a primitive or savage state.2. the natives to make them yourfriends instead of your enemies, this is no doubt a difficult task butstill it is the duty of the Company to attempt it, and if they can bebrought into a state of comparatively social comfort it will beconferring upon them a greater boon than the value of the range andhunting of the Lands of which they will be deprived, and of which theCompany will have possession. The Court cannot too strongly urge theseattempts upon you, they are aware of the difficulties which haveincreased since the natives and the Servants have come in contact andblood spilt spilt?v.A past tense and a past participle of spill1. ; they are also aware that a knowledge of the strength andpower of the Company must first be proved to exist and fully impressedupon the natives and on that account the court send you by theFriendship some Fire Arms, particularly pistols which they conceive willbe of more use than muskets because they can be carried about theperson; you will therefore be fully prepared for war and possessingpower, you will leave no steps untried to prevent hostile contact withthe Natives, and to promote friendship and conciliation. This ambiguity might have resolved a conflict of interest in Londonbetween the commercial goals and the Christian values of the Court ofDirectors. It had little impact in the Tasmanian bush. A greatdivergence between official policy and the reality of life on thefrontier On the Frontier: A Melodrama in Two Acts, by W. H. Auden and Christopher Isherwood, was the third and last play in the Auden-Isherwood collaboration, first published in 1938. occurred right across southeast Australia in the first 40 yearsof the last century. However, it had different effects in Tasmania thanelsewhere. Although it is true that large-scale massacres as well as thealmost casual taking of individual Aboriginal lives occurred in Tasmaniaas well as in other places, in the northwest of Tasmania all attempts atbinding Aboriginal people into the web of pastoral life failed dismally.The contrast between the Cape Grim massacre, where approximately 30Aboriginal people were murdered by Company servants on 10 February 1828,and that of the infamous Myall Creek massacre The Myall Creek Massacre was a massacre of twenty-eight Aboriginal Australian people by twelve white stockmen and squatters on 10 June 1838, at the Myall Creek sheep station near Inverell, in northern New South Wales. which took place innorthern New South Wales New South Wales,state (1991 pop. 5,164,549), 309,443 sq mi (801,457 sq km), SE Australia. It is bounded on the E by the Pacific Ocean. Sydney is the capital. The other principal urban centers are Newcastle, Wagga Wagga, Lismore, Wollongong, and Broken Hill. a decade later, is instructive (Morris 1992;Murray in press a: Chapter 2). At Cape Grim 'wild' blacks weremurdered, while at Myall myallNounan Australian acacia with hard scented wood [Aboriginal] Creek 30 Aboriginal people (some of whom wereworking for and sleeping with the local white people) were slaughteredin the station stockyards. It is this lack of success in showing theAboriginal people the 'blessings of civilized life', and thechange from policies of 'conciliation' to deportation, whichmakes it unlikely that Aboriginal people lived with whites at Burghley. An infamous example of callous reporting, and of a confusedofficial response to a straightforward case of murder, concerns thedeath of an Aboriginal woman at Emu Bay on 21 August 1829. AlexanderGoldie, the Company's chief agriculturalist, reported how he hadgathered his men together and made a concerted effort to'take' some Aboriginal people (VDL 5/2: 210, Despatch No. 100,16 November 1829, Curr to Directors; Lennox 1990: 181): For this purposeI took my horse and the men, one gun and a couple of axes. On gettingwithin 200 yards of them we were observed and they began to make off. Iordered the men to keep outside while I took the scrub. This had theeffect and the Natives kept along the sands. Russell fired at one justas she was taking the scrub and shot her. She was very badly hit aboutthe bottom and the belly, and she must soon have died. I rode downanother woman in the scrub and before I returned with her the men hadkilled the other. The woman that was shot had a child about 6 years old(a girl) which we also got. Curr, his employer, wrote of this to Goldie (CSO (Chief Security Officer) The person in charge of all staff members who are responsible for promulgating, enforcing and administering security policies for all systems within an enterprise or division. 1/326/7578:109-11; Lennox 1990: 181-2): It has never occurred to me since I havebeen in the service of the Van Diemen's Land Company to read a morerevolting detail than that contained in your letter and the manner inwhich this barbarous transaction is related without one word ofdisapprobation dis��ap��pro��ba��tion?n.Moral disapproval; condemnation.disapprobationNoundisapprovalNoun 1. being expressed against your associates in the deed, orone word of regret, is scarcely less-offensive to every feeling ofhumanity than the deed itself. Yet for all Curr's objections to those in authority(particularly Lieutenant Governor Arthur) no action was taken againstGoldie, or the men with him. Indeed, Lennox has uncovered furtherevidence that Goldie lied to Curr (and that Lieutenant Governor Arthurhad also lied), in that the Aboriginal woman had been 'finishedoff' with an axe (Lennox 1990: 191). The reason for the lack ofaction seems simple enough: public opinion would not stand for thehanging of white men for the murder of blacks when a state of warexisted in the colony. The spiral of violence continued withouteffective check, no matter the fears held by the Government and theDirectors that the news of such unpunished unpunishedAdjectivewithout suffering or resulting in a penalty: the guilty must not go unpunished, such crimes should not remain unpunishedAdj. 1. outrages would reach thephilanthropists in London and the Aborigines Protection Society. Evenafter the majority of the Aboriginal population of the northwest hadbeen deported around 1832, with a later expedition in 1834, troublecould still flare up as old scores were settled and huts pillaged pil��lage?v. pil��laged, pil��lag��ing, pil��lag��esv.tr.1. To rob of goods by force, especially in time of war; plunder.2. To take as spoils.v.intr. . Aslate as 12 August 1841 Curr was seeking to remove the remainingAboriginal people from Company land -- peacefully if possible, but withmain force if necessary (see VDL 5/6: 39-41, Despatch No. 234 Curr toDirectors). Material culture evidence The third line of evidence is the pattern of material culture foundat Burghley. The mixing of Aboriginal and European material culturemight be partially explained by earlier Aboriginal material beingbrought up in excavating foundation trenches for the house. Othermaterial-culture evidence is decisive (Murray in press b). Glass toolsemulate classic Tasmanian forms made on stone. Musket and pistol flintsare flaked into Aboriginal forms, and two traditional forms of bonetools are made on dog and bovid bovidAny ruminant of the family Bovidae. Bovids have hollow, unbranched, permanently attached horns; they are grazing or browsing animals found in both the Eastern and Western Hemispheres, most often in grasslands, scrublands, or deserts. Most species live in large herds. (introduced species). The midden haswallaby wallaby:see kangaroo. wallabyAny of about 25 species of medium-sized kangaroos, found chiefly in Australia. Brush wallabies (11 species) are built like the big kangaroos but differ in dentition. Rock wallabies live among rocks, usually near water. and horse bones in the same stratigraphic units. The midden (andthe clogged chimney) might tell a story of Europeans adapting to life onthe frontier and broadening their diet, but cannot explain the glasstools, the modified gunflints or the quartz manuport near thechimney-butt. Consequently, I think it likely that Burghley was reoccupied byAboriginal people after its abandonment by the VDL around 1839. Thedecision to wind down company operations in the Surrey Hills was largelytaken for commercial reasons. The primary object of the company had beenthe production of wool for English mills requiring that large numbers ofshepherds live on the runs spread over the Surrey Hills. When thegreater proportion of the company's flock died in the Hills due toinclement in��clem��ent?adj.1. Stormy: inclement weather.2. Showing no clemency; unmerciful.in��clem weather, the company moved to open-range cattle grazing whichrequired fewer employees, and therefore fewer places to house them. The Aboriginal people at Burghley Who were the Aboriginal people who reoccupied Burghley? By 1835,George Augustus Robinson, whose role in the deportation of Aboriginalpeople to Flinders Island is well documented (see e.g. Plomley 1966),was claiming that, with the possible exception of some small groups, theentire Aboriginal population of Tasmania had been removed to FlindersIsland; the Black War was over. Nevertheless reports from VDLsettlements during 1836 of further violence and robbery compelledRobinson to despatch his last mission. Late in 1836 Robinson's sonsfound a family group (a man, a woman and four or five children) butcould not persuade them to surrender (Plomley 1966: 926--7). Violentclashes continued in the Hills until 1842. On 10 December 1842 William Gibson, the newly appointedSuperintendent of the Van Diemen's Land Company, wrote to the Courtof Directors of the demise of traditional Tasmanian Aboriginal society(VDL 5/7: 111, Despatch No.23, Gibson to Directors): The court will beglad to learn that the natives who had hitherto been so troublesome werecaptured upon the 4th instant near the River Arthur and forwarded themyesterday to Launceston, their party consisted of a middle-aged man andfemale, two males about 18 and 20 years of age, and three male childrenbetween 3 and 7 years old. This very desirable object has been accomplished by two men who arein the habit of frequenting the coasts of this island for the purpose ofcatching seals and who were accompanied by two women, natives of NewHolland. It was principally through the instrumentality InstrumentalityNotes issued by a federal agency whose obligations are guaranteed by the full-faith-and-credit of the government, even though the agency's responsibilities are not necessarily those of the US government. of the latterthat they were successful and the moving cause of their exertions wasthe hope of getting a reward of 50 pounds which I had ventured to offeron behalf of the Company if the Aborigines were taken without violenceand which I trust the Court will approve of my having paid them. These were the only natives at large in this colony and I canscarcely express the satisfaction which their removal gives me as wellas the comfort and security it affords to the Company's servantsand property. The records clearly state who these people were. The man was knownas John Lanna, his wife was Nabrunga, the five children were Banna,Pieti, Albert, William and Frank. John Lanna and his family, it seems,were the people contacted by Robinson's sons behind Cradle Mountainin 1836. The timing is crucial. After 1834 Robinson's evidenceindicates only a small family group was left free in northwest Tasmania,which coincides with a marked decline in incidents of violence (until1839). We do not know the exact date of European abandonment of Burghley(by the late 1830s it was an outpost of only minor importance); a likelydate is around 1839. It is a reasonable conjecture that the people wholeft the Aboriginal artefacts found at Burghley, and fought theguerrilla actions against the VDL after 1836, were this family group.Only William and Banna survived internment at Flinders Island (Plomley1987: 882). William Lanne (FIGURE 4) was to live until 1869, the lastfull-blood Tasmanian Aboriginal man to die. [CHART OMITTED] Burghley and Lanne Our discovery of evidence for Tasmanian aboriginal peoplereclaiming Burghley, and of their adapting traditional lifeways to adramatically different world, was made all the more striking by thestrong possibility of a connection to William Lanne. Lanne's deathon 4 March 1869 prompted the Hobart Mercury to reflect: We chronicledyesterday an event such as we believe it has never been the lot of aBritish journalist to record, namely the death of the last man of hisrace - the total extinction we may say, of a once numerous division ofthe human family. Exceptional as the announcement appears to be, itderives an additional and melancholy interest from the circumstance thatit is unlikely to stand unique for any lengthened period in the historyof British colonisation. Although some were obviously struck by the sadness of the occasion,as memories of the wildness and abominable behaviour of the Black Warwere now suppressed or dimmed, others saw Lanne's death as a boonto science. For this reason his passing does not end our story.Lanne's body was dismembered (in the interests of science) whilelaid out in the morgue morgue(morg) a place where dead bodies may be kept for identification or until claimed for burial. morguen. at Hobart Hospital. By 8 March it was alsoapparent that body-snatchers had excavated Lanne's grave to get therest of the corpse. Judging by the contemporary accounts there was nodoubt that the corpse was being fought over by agents of the RoyalSociety of Tasmania The Royal Society of Tasmania (RST) was formed in 1844.The RST was the first Royal Society outside the United Kingdom. It started as the "Tasmanian Society" formed by Sir John Franklin assisted by Ronald Campbell Gunn. and of the Royal College of Surgeons in England (seeRyan 1981). Both groups had questions which urgently needed answering(such as the degree of relationship between Tasmanian aboriginal peopleand the gorilla), and Lanne's skeleton was vital scientificevidence. The fact that various 'extraneous' organs wererumoured to have been souvenired by the guilty parties was'regrettable'. The Hobart Mercury of 11 March was moved tobitter parody in a fairly typical piece of doggerel dog��ger��el? also dog��greln.Crudely or irregularly fashioned verse, often of a humorous or burlesque nature.[From Middle English, poor, worthless, from dogge, dog; see called'Lanny's Ghost', the last two stanzas of which pulled nopunches: The cock it crows! I must begone be��gone?v.Used chiefly in the imperative to express an order of dismissal.[Middle English begone : be, imperative of ben, to be; see be + gone -- Kind friends, we must now part, But yet, I'm yours in death: altho' some MD holds my heart. Don't go to seek me in my grave Or think that there I be; They have not left one atom there Of my ANATOMY This parody recently became all the more bitter. After extensivenegotiations between the University of Edinburgh (body, education) University of Edinburgh - A university in the centre of Scotland's capital. The University of Edinburgh has been promoting and setting standards in education for over 400 years. and the Aboriginal andTorres Straits Islander Commission, the Melbourne Age of 19 January 1991reported that William Lanne's skull would be repatriated toTasmania. Notwithstanding a row between the Tasmanian Aboriginal Centre(TAC) and the Federal government over protocol and proper respect, therewas a general belief that the 'torment of Lanne's spirit'would soon cease. Five days later the newspapers were reportingconfusion in Edinburgh and in Canberra over whether the skull inquestion really was Lanne's. The correctness of identification wasquestioned in the light of possible poor accession practices in theMuseum, the loss of records in a fire and a possibility thatLanne's skull had never gone to Edinburgh but was, instead, donatedto another institution. Investigations using the technique ofphotographic imposition were conducted in Edinburgh at theUniversity's request. The researchers were unequivocal that theEdinburgh skull was not Lanne's (Brocklebank & Kaufman 1992). In an effort to sort the mess out and to recover something of Lanneand his life after leaving Flinders Island for Tasmania (he had become awhaler), the TAC privately commissioned research into the Edinburgh andLondon collections, and into the companies engaged in whaling fromTasmanian ports during the mid 19th century. This research is vital foradding to the store of information about the history of the Tasmanianaboriginal people after the collapse of traditional Aboriginal society.The investigation of contact sites such as Burghley gives us the chanceto gain a more richly textured understanding of European and Aboriginallife on the frontier during the holocaust of the 1820s and 1830s.Burghley, and other VDL company sites in the Surrey Hills, are placesthrough which we can locate the past-in-present experience as bothAboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians seek to comprehend theconsequences of a shared past. In this way the active involvement ofAboriginal people in contact archaeology has become a feature ofpractice in recent times, extending to situations where Aboriginalgroups have requested State and Federal funding bodies to supportAboriginal requests for such research. Concluding remarks In the 1984 Trevor Reese Memorial Lecture, at the AustralianStudies Centre at the University of London For most practical purposes, ranging from admission of students to negotiating funding from the government, the 19 constituent colleges are treated as individual universities. Within the university federation they are known as Recognised Bodies , Henry Reynolds, thepreeminent historian of Aboriginal Australia, chose to discuss the roleof Aboriginal people in Australian historiography between 1955 and 1983.Reynolds wanted to re-examine W.E.H. Stanner's claim of 16 yearsbefore, that Australian historians had been silent about theinteractions between whites and Aboriginal people, a silence that vergedon neglect (Stanner 1969: 25): Inattention in��at��ten��tion?n.Lack of attention, notice, or regard.Noun 1. inattention - lack of attentionbasic cognitive process - cognitive processes involved in obtaining and storing knowledge on such a scale cannot beexplained by absent-mindedness. Rather it is a structural matter, a viewfrom a window which has been carefully placed to exclude a wholequadrant of the landscape. What may well have begun as a simpleforgetting of other possible views turned under habit and over time intosomething like a cult of forgetfulness ForgetfulnessSee also Carelessness.Absent-Minded Beggar, Theballad of forgetful soldiers who fought in the Boer War. [Br. Lit.: “The Absent-Minded Beg-gars” in Payton, 3]absent-minded professor practised on a national scale. Reynolds' title, The breaking of the great Australian silence,indicates how much has changed since Stanner's understandably harshassessment. Reynolds reviewed some of the causes of change, linking thereassessment of colonialism which followed decolonization decolonizationProcess by which colonies become independent of the colonizing country. Decolonization was gradual and peaceful for some British colonies largely settled by expatriates but violent for others, where native rebellions were energized by nationalism. with the greatincrease in Aboriginal political activism, although Reynolds would beamong the first to argue that such activism had always been there. Healso stressed the great importance of Aboriginal archaeology andanthropology as providing clear evidence of a long and complex historyand of the tremendous variety of Aboriginal social and cultural forms. Notwithstanding these advances, there is a widespread view thatAustralian society has a great deal further to go in understanding theconsequences of the European conquest of Australia. Enlightened publicservants and politicians have begun to see that Aboriginal history andAboriginal archaeology have a very significant role in this quest forunderstanding. Between 1 January 1980 and 31 May 1989, 99 Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander people died in the custody of prison, police orjuvenile detention institutions. A Royal Commission into AboriginalDeaths in Custody This article or section needs copy editing for grammar, style, cohesion, tone and/or spelling.You can assist by [ editing it] now. was established in October 1987 in response to publicconcern that this number of deaths was disproportionately high, and theexplanations offered by the responsible authorities seemed evasive. TheRoyal Commission also inquired into the highly controversial deaths oftwo other Aboriginal men, John Pat and David Gundy. Eliot Johnson, thechief Royal Commissioner, noted that it was a commentary on relationsbetween Aboriginal communities and the police that foul play waspopularly suspected in the majority of cases. In the Royal Commission's final report, which spans fivevolumes of discussion and recommendations, Johnson spoke at length ofthe over-representation of Aboriginal people in the prison system andthe lack of care taken of them when they were inside -- a directconsequence of 200 years of interaction with whites which had completelymarginalized Aboriginal people in Australian society. Johnson felt theonly solution was for Aboriginal society to empower itself, to takecontrol of lives and to have pride to face the past and the future. Acrucial element of empowerment was for Aboriginal people to retain andexpand their culture and their identity. In this 'self determination' Johnson saw a central rolefor Aboriginal history and Aboriginal archaeology working in twodirections: first, to the benefit of Aboriginal people in that bothstudies would help them explore issues of Aboriginality in possibly newand helpful ways; secondly, to help the non-Aboriginal community tounderstand more about what happened, as well as to dispel myths aboutAboriginal society which are still with us. Sites such as Burghley, withtheir unique window on to the world of the frontier, can serve bothends, but it seems to me that their greatest value stems from theirstatus as places where a shared history between Aboriginal andnon-Aboriginal began. Contact sites are concrete representations of the beginnings ofthis shared history as well as the beginnings of the more recent phaseof Aboriginal history. By extension, such sites are significantdocuments for all Australians, notwithstanding the fact that there is nosingle or overarching account of that significance. This argument forsignificance has great force at a time when strong links are being madebetween the drive for an Australian Republic and the formal resolutionof a state of conflict between white and black Australian which hascontinued since the first white settlement over 200 years ago. In thisaccount the same colonial society which provided the context fordispossession, genocide and unrelenting attacks on the 'other'was also responsible for the oppression of other segments of thenon-Aboriginal population. As such, the remains of colonial society haveto be identified and dealt with before a lasting peace born of mutualunderstanding and regard can come about. Contact archaeology providesthe framework for contemplation about these matters too. Archaeology and written documents have been used here to expand ourunderstanding of the Tasmanian frontier during a time of great violence,and to assist a reflection about matters of emotion and identity. Butthere is more to the story than this. The discoveries at Burghley chartthe dying moments of traditional Tasmanian society which had begun37,000 years before. Even though Tasmanian Aboriginal people had beenthe victims of a holocaust which had begun barely 40 years prior to theabandonment of Burghley, Lanne and his family were able to adapt and tore-create the substance of their culture at what had become an alienplace, and with alien materials. We do not know very much about whatthese people felt about the destruction of their world, save a reportfrom the last 'Friendly Mission' in 1836 that they werereluctant to surrender because they were frightened of other Aborigineswho had been deported to Flinders Island (Plomley 1966: 926). What we doknow is that at the time of their greatest test, greater even than theintense cold period around 20,000 years ago, or with the incursion in��cur��sion?n.1. An aggressive entrance into foreign territory; a raid or invasion.2. The act of entering another's territory or domain.3. ofthe rainforests into the alpine grasslands about 10,000 years ago, thesepeople - contrary to one celebrated analysis (see e.g. Jones 1971) -seem not to have been suffering the effects of a long, slowstrangulation strangulation/stran��gu��la��tion/ (strang?gu-la��shun)1. choke (2).2. arrest of circulation in a part due to compression. See hemostasis (2).stran��gu��la��tionn. of the mind supposedly brought about by thousands of yearsof isolation. So, out of all that sadness, there is something. Acknowledgements. Field research was funded by the AustralianResearch Grants Commission, and La Trobe University 1. u/r = unranked2.AsiaWeek is now discontinued. Student lifeDuring the 1970s and 1980s, La Trobe, along with Monash, was considered to have the most politically active student body of any university in Australia. . The Wenner-GrenFoundation Richard Carley Hunt Fellowship allowed the paper to bewritten while I was a Visiting Fellow at Clare Hall, Cambridge. My debtto Geoff Lennox is obvious. Steve Smith dug out newspaper material onLanne's death while he was working on Lanne for the TasmanianAboriginal Centre Inc. Dr Cliff Samson, then of the Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander Commission The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC) (1990–2005) was the Australian Government body through which Aboriginal Australians and Torres Strait Islanders were formally involved in the processes of government affecting their lives. in Canberra, provided background dataon the repatriation RepatriationThe process of converting a foreign currency into the currency of one's own country.Notes:If you are American, converting British Pounds back to U.S. dollars is an example of repatriation. of the Edinburgh skeletal remains. Two willing fieldcrews from La Trobe Archaeology switched their focus from limestonecaves to historic sites with their usual professionalism. 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