The chaos of collapse: disintegration and reintegration of inter-regional systems.

The chaos of collapse: disintegration and reintegration of inter-regional systems. Large, inter-regional organizational systems which integratemultiple areas, and possibly ethnic groups through ritual, political andeconomic cooperation are relatively common in prehistory prehistory,period of human evolution before writing was invented and records kept. The term was coined by Daniel Wilson in 1851. It is followed by protohistory, the period for which we have some records but must still rely largely on archaeological evidence to . The collapseof these systems may come about for a variety of reasons. Regardless ofthe reason for collapse, decreased complexity and factionalism oftenoccur at the regional level. This process can be seen following thecollapse of the Chacoan (Vivian 1990) and Hohokam Ballcourt Systems(Wilcox 1991) in the American Southwest, the Bell Beaker beaker/beak��er/ (bek��er) a glass cup, usually with a lip for pouring, used by chemists and pharmacists. beakera round laboratory vessel of various materials, usually with parallel sides and often with a pouring spout. network inEurope (Shennan 1986) and the Hopewell (Braun & Plog 1982) andMississippian (Anderson 1994) systems of the American Southeast. In general, it has been argued that this period of'regionalization' constitutes a breakdown of theinter-regional trade networks and cooperative alliances accompanied by areorganization and experimentation in the regional political, social,ritual and economic system in the absence of massive depopulation DEPOPULATION. In its most proper signification, is the destruction of the people of a country or place. This word is, however, taken rather in a passive than an active one; we say depopulation, to designate a diminution of inhabitants, arising either from violent causes, or the want of (Anderson 1994; Lekson & Cameron 1995). This reorganization oftenincludes the maintenance of some organizational principles of the formersystem, though differential emphasis is placed on certain ideas whichmay serve as a basis for later reintegration reintegration/re��in��te��gra��tion/ (-in-te-gra��shun)1. biological integration after a state of disruption.2. restoration of harmonious mental function after disintegration of the personality in mental illness. and reestablishment ofinter-regional ties. This complex process of factionalism,reorganization and reintegration can be understood using concepts fromchaos theory chaos theory,in mathematics, physics, and other fields, a set of ideas that attempts to reveal structure in aperiodic, unpredictable dynamic systems such as cloud formation or the fluctuation of biological populations. . Chaos theory is particularly enlightening due to itsnon-linear perspective and its ability to explain extensive and rapidsociopolitical so��ci��o��po��li��ti��cal?adj.Involving both social and political factors.sociopoliticalAdjectiveof or involving political and social factors , economic and ritual change in systems. Additionally, itis a general model that is highly flexible because of its recognition ofthe importance of unique systems histories and the perception andbehaviour of the individual on the ultimate outcome of the systemreorganization. A model using these concepts and a case study from theZuni region of the American Southwest is presented. Factionalism and reorganization of systems The process of factionalism, reorganization and reintegration inthe wake of inter-regional systems collapse can be examined profitablywith a general model which uses the concepts of dissipative dis��si��pate?v. dis��si��pat��ed, dis��si��pat��ing, dis��si��patesv.tr.1. To drive away; disperse.2. structuresfrom chaos theory (Gemmill & Smith 1985; Prigogine 1978; Prigogine& Allen 1983; Prigogine & Stengers 1988; van der Leeuw 1981).This model emphasizes the role of information flow through dissipativestructures to understand better why and how systems change. Dissipative structures and chaos theory Dissipative structures differ from systems theory as it has beenused traditionally in archaeology (Flannery 1973) in three ways. First,dissipative structures are not closed systems. Rather, they constantlyreceive input from adjacent areas and from the manipulation of internalfactors by the participants. Secondly, dissipative structures are notstatic; they are dynamic systems in which disequilibrium disequilibrium/dis��equi��lib��ri��um/ (dis-e?kwi-lib��re-um) dysequilibrium.linkage disequilibrium is constant andin which homeostasis homeostasisAny self-regulating process by which a biological or mechanical system maintains stability while adjusting to changing conditions. Systems in dynamic equilibrium reach a balance in which internal change continuously compensates for external change in a feedback is never approached. Third, chaos theory, whileusing a systems concept, is not a model of structural determinism.Dissipative structures are dynamic systems in which individual and groupcooperation and competition operate within the system but the systemdoes not determine individual and group action. Individual action andperception are integral to the open nature of the system and can haveenormous impact. In fact, experimentation by the participants withorganizational structures within the system is assumed to occur. Due to the open and dynamic nature of dissipative structures,anthropological applications of these ideas can be used to understanddiffering rates of change and varying amounts of experimentation andinstability in a cultural system. Specifically, chaos theory results ina non-linear model of culture change which states that smallperturbations to certain parts of the system can result in thedisruption of the structure of the entire system, resulting ininstability. The degree of change precipitated depends on the perception of thedegree and location of existing instability in the system by theindividuals participating in it (van der Leeuw 1981) and therefore theamount of structural experimentation undertaken (Gemmill & Smith1985). Perturbations may be minimized and structural experimentationlimited if the system as a whole is seen as relatively stable andefficient by the participants for the purposes of obtaining personalgoals. Alternatively, perturbations may be amplified and have apparentlydisproportionate impact to an outside observer, spawning extensiveexperimentation with organizational structures if the system is viewedby the participants as being unstable. This view of experimentation and change is in direct opposition toselectionist se��lec��tion��ist?adj. also se��lec��tion��alOf or relating to the view that evolution or genetic variation occurs chiefly as a result of natural selection.n.One who holds or favors a selectionist view. views (Leonard & Reed 1993) used in archaeology whichargue that culture change is the result of increased emphasis on somestrategies over others in an existing repertoire due to selectivepressures of population-resource imbalances. Conversely, chaos theorystates that the experimentation with and development of neworganizational principles are the response to perceived problems in theexisting system. In other words Adv. 1. in other words - otherwise stated; "in other words, we are broke"put differently , the situation does not select in theDarwinian sense. Rather, the participants in the system make decisionsand develop solutions based on their perception of the situation. Thatis, chaos theory argues for the active and intentional experimentationwith organizational strategies by individuals and groups participatingin a system in accordance with their perception of the situation. Thisconcept is particularly useful when discussing human behaviour becauseit acknowledges the importance of perception and the activeparticipation of individuals within and manipulation of a social system.Experimentation occurs at numerous levels and continues until new,efficient organizations arise around which the system can reformulate Verb 1. reformulate - formulate or develop again, of an improved theory or hypothesisredevelopformulate, explicate, develop - elaborate, as of theories and hypotheses; "Could you develop the ideas in your thesis" .Individuals judge organizational structures as efficient and stable whenthey facilitate the achievement of personal goals. Numerous scholars have argued that organizational principles whichfacilitate information flow through a system are one of the mostimportant structures in culture (Braun 1986; Lekson et al. 1994;Prigogine & Stengers 1988; van der Leeuw 1981). Specifically, theamount, nature, manipulation and perception of the information exchangebetween individuals and groups are paramount forces in creating theinstitutions through which the information is directed, interpreted andpassed on. Therefore, disruption in the amount of information or thenature in which it is exchanged can have profound impact on thestability of a system and in situations of instability, activeexperimentation with the organizational principles affecting informationflow occurs. Information flow structures Information flow structures are the standardized ways informationis exchanged. They can be both informal and formal (Gumerman & Dean1989), though the greater the social distance between individuals andthe greater the number of individuals involved, the more importantformal, institutionalized in��sti��tu��tion��al��ize?tr.v. in��sti��tu��tion��al��ized, in��sti��tu��tion��al��iz��ing, in��sti��tu��tion��al��iz��es1. a. To make into, treat as, or give the character of an institution to.b. mechanisms, particularly ritual (Root 1983),become in passing on information. These structures are fundamental to the integrity and maintenanceof cooperation between individuals and groups because communication isthe basis of cooperation at every level (Gumerman & Dean 1989; vander Leeuw 1981). Information is used here in its broadest sense. Itincludes not only information about resources and the exploitativeprinciples associated with them but also information about individualand group identity, alliances, symbols and social, political, ritual andeconomic organizations. Due to its fundamental importance, it can be argued that anyinterruption or change in the nature or amount of the information flowwill have a major and fundamental impact on the structure of the system,causing instability. The collapse of an inter-regional system whichfacilitated information exchange is such an interruption. The degree ofinstability produced by the collapse in any part of the former system isdependent on the area's level of participation, own particularhistory and the participants' perception of the remainingrelationships. If the perceived instability is great, experimentationwith new organizational principles occurs until new, efficientstructures develop. Because perceived instability may occur at multiplelevels, the experimentation needs to be examined at multiple levels. The implications of this experimentation are multi-fold. First,because aggregates of individuals perceive and experiment withorganizational structures in different ways depending on localconditions, very different structures may arise at different communitieswithin a region and even within a single community. Additionally, as theexperimentation results in organizational structures which have varyingdegrees of success, community stability (and therefore occupationallength) is expected to be highly variable. Finally, the experimentationwith new organizational structures results in rapid socio-culturalchange and a dynamic period of shifting patterns of cooperation andcompetition. The greater the differentiation in experimentation, thegreater the competition. Competition cannot be tested directly but canbe measured indirectly by the amount of goods and information exchangedbetween two areas. To illustrate this general concept of culture change, a specificcase study is presented below; specifically, the Zuni region of theAmerican Southwest during the post-Chacoan era (AD 1150 and 1350) isexamined. If this model is correct, information flow disruption andsubsequent active experimentation and final reintegration with a neworganizational principle in the ritual sphere that increases efficiencyof information flow allowing achievement of personal goals byindividuals should be evident in the archaeological record The archaeological record is a term used in archaeology to denote all archaeological evidence, including the physical remains of past human activities which archaeologists seek out and record in an attempt to analyze and reconstruct the past. in Zunifollowing the collapse of the Chacoan system. During the period ofexperimentation, a decrease in cooperation and possibly an increase incompetition between communities also should be evident. Specifically,there should be an increase in the number and diversity of communalarchitectural structures within individual sites that is not related tosite size and an increase in concern for defense. Additionally, thenumber and type of structures present should vary from community tocommunity. Secondly, there should be evidence of a decrease in economiccooperation between communities in terms of ceramic exchange. Zuni in the post-Chacoan world (AD 1050 to 1350) Between AD 1050 and 1150, Chaco Canyon was the centre of a large,inter-regional system in the northern American Southwest [ILLUSTRATIONFOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED]. Though the internal organization of the Chacoansystem is a matter of debate, its scale is witnessed by extensive tradenetworks, an interconnecting road system and a series of ritualstructures ('great houses') scattered across the landscape.Evidence of the Zuni region's participation in this network can befound in the presence of Zuni lithics and ceramics in Chaco Canyon (Toll1991) and the presence of Chacoan ritual structures in Zuni (Stone &Howell 1994a). By AD 1130, major portions of the trade networkintegrating the Chacoan system had broken down and Chaco Canyon itselfwas largely abandoned (Vivian 1990). Abandonment did not occur in the remainder of the area formerlyincluded in the Chacoan system. However, these regions did becomeincreasingly isolated and differentiated (Lekson 1991). Despite this,material culture generally associated with Chacoan ritual andChacoan-like great houses continued to be constructed and used, thoughapparently in a very different manner (Fowler et al. 1987; Lekson &Cameron 1995; Stone 1992), for a short period after the collapse of theChacoan system. The continued use of these architectural featuresindicates the continuation of at least some of the ritual concepts firstintroduced during the Chacoan era. However, these aspects of commonality soon began to disappear. ByAD 1300, differentiation can be seen in the emergence of increasinglylocalized stylistic patterns in the ceramics and minimal inter-regionaltrade (Graves 1994; Toll 1991; Upham 1982; Upham et al. 1981) as well aspossible conflict (Haas & Creamer 1993; LeBlanc 1978; Wilcox &Haas 1994). The northern Southwest was not reintegrated until the mid1300s when a new organizational structure, the Katchina cult, spreadsthrough the area. Organizational experimentation and competition in Zuni In the Zuni region, the experimentation can be seen both within andbetween communities when the settlement pattern and changes in ritualarchitecture are examined. The data used to examine these changes hereincludes 47 towns and 15 villages described in three surveys (Fowler etal. 1987; Kintigh 1985; Stone 1992). For each site [ILLUSTRATION FORFIGURE 2 OMITTED], the following information was recorded from surfaceindications: the number of rooms present, the presence/absence of greathouses, the presence and size of great kivas, the presence of D-shapedkivas, the number and shape (-square or round) of small clan kivas andthe number and shape of bounded plazas. To place this data in context,the culture history of the area is summarized in TABLE 1. During the Chacoan era, villages dominate and there is littlevariability in the ritual structures present at the six Chacoan sitesthat have been identified in the Zuni area. In addition to the greathouses, great kivas are present at all but one of the sites and plazas,when they are present, are D-shaped. Additionally, there appears to bean association between the overall size of the site and the number andsize of great kivas that are present. Specifically, sites with fewerthan 20 rooms have only one great kiva kiva(kē`və), large, underground ceremonial chamber, peculiar to the ancient and modern Pueblo. The modern kiva probably evolved from the slab houses (i.e. , those with 20 to 50 rooms haveonly one great kiva but it is larger than 20 m in size, and those withmore than 50 rooms have multiple great kivas. [TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE 1 OMITTED] Two town sites are evident in the area during the Chacoan era aswell. These town sites are not Chacoan outliers and lack great houses,formal plaza areas and oversized great kivas, though there is a possiblegreat kiva depression at one. The ritual structures at these sitesappear to be limited to the small 'clan' kivas which arepresent throughout the culture history of the Zuni area and which arenot believed to be used for extra-family integration. During the Aggregation period, towns become the dominant settlementtype and there is considerable evidence of ritual experimentation.Specifically, of the 15 aggregated towns investigated, three (20%) lackcommunal structures; five (33%) contain great houses; 10 (66.7%) containgreat kivas and one contains multiple great kivas; three (20%) containformal, though irregular-shaped, plaza areas; and eight sites (53.3%)continue to use small kivas. Additionally, the two sites excavated todate are very different in form. The Pettit site has six D-shaped kivasand six rectangular rooms within room blocks which have been interpretedas clan houses while detached, small round kivas are absent (Saitta1991). Conversely, the Scribe S site contains one great kiva,approximately 30 m in diameter, and no other ritual structures (Stone1992; Watson et al. 1980). Nine of the sites dated to the Aggregated period contain multipleritual structures, though there is little correlation between the totalnumber of communal structures and site size (r = -0.0753). This lack ofpatterning is reaffirmed by the fact that large communal structures arenot limited to aggregated communities - both great houses and greatkivas also are found in five villages. Additionally, one village, AtseNitsaa, contains a formal rectangular plaza area. These data can be interpreted using the model. Following thecollapse of the Chacoan system, individuals and information converged onthe locations in which great houses are constructed during the earlyaggregated period. However, the success of these new communities wasshort-lived and insufficient to alleviate the additional stress andinformation load of the newly aggregated system. By AD 1175, communitiesbegan to experiment with different aspects of the previous systems andto developed new organizational principles in response to the initialstress. The result was the rise of different information flow structuresat different communities in the region, and sometimes within a singlecommunity, resulting in a highly unstable system. In more concreteterms, it led to a breakdown in communication and, therefore,cooperation. The question is, why did the experimentation occur, resulting inthe breakdown of cooperation within and between communities throughoutthe Aggregated period, particularly in the absence of apopulation/resource imbalance (Stone 1992)? According to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. the modeloutlined above, the perceptions of the participants are a major factor.From this perspective, the question can be rephrased to ask why theinhabitants perceive the system to be so unstable that experimentationcontinued, particularly after communication between communities began tobreak down? The source of this instability appears to be largely internal andmay be related to the rapid shifts in settlement pattern as the majorityof the population moves from dispersed villages into aggregated towns inless than one generation. Apparently, the balance between kin/corporategroup autonomy and group integration was an uneasy one as boundariesbetween social groups were reformulated (Saitta 1991; 1994), resultingin further experimentation in organizational principles. Thesereformulations and social tensions further increased the amount ofinformation that was generated and were, therefore, an addedperturbation perturbation(pŭr'tərbā`shən), in astronomy and physics, small force or other influence that modifies the otherwise simple motion of some object. The term is also used for the effect produced by the perturbation, e.g. to the system. There are additional, far-reaching consequences of the extensiveexperimentation with organizational and ritual principles withinindividual communities. Specifically, as different organizationalprinciples are adopted in different communities, communication betweencommunities is hindered due to a lack of commonality in information flowstructures. The decrease in the rate and nature of communication leadsto a breakdown in cooperation based on it. This is evident in the Nucleated nucleated/nu��cle��at��ed/ (noo��kle-at?id) having a nucleus or nuclei. nu��cle��at��edadj.Having a nucleus or nuclei.nucleatedhaving a nucleus or nuclei. period (AD 1250-1300) whichwitnesses a dramatic change in site structure in the Zuni region.Specifically, the open multi-room block communities of the previousperiod are replaced by nucleated pueblos consisting of a few massed roomblocks or a single, multi-storied pueblo around a central, protectedplaza in defensive locations (Stone & Howell 1994a). Twenty-eight ofthe 30 towns (93.3%) examined from this time period contain centralplazas, though the shape of these plazas varies considerably.Additionally, while most sites contain only one plaza area, eight towns(26.7%) contain multiple plazas. Great kivas also continue to be used during this period, thoughcommunities constructed later in the period tend to lack them. Eleven ofthe 30 sites examined (36.7%) have great kivas and 14 sites (46.7%) haveD-shaped and/or clan kivas. As in the previous period, there is noapparent association between the size of the site and the number ofcommunal structures that are present (r = 0.1613). This contention isfurther supported by the fact that five villages also contain eithergreat kivas or formal plaza areas. Between AD 1350 and 1450, 12 large plaza-oriented pueblos wereconstructed, including the six communities occupied into historic times.These communities are large, multi-storied, multi-plaza villages ofmassed room blocks with at least one great kiva. This period ofincreasing community stability corresponds with the emergence of a newintegrating concept in Zuni, the Katchina cult (Kintigh 1985). From AD1350 on, most groups of the northern Southwest participated in theKatchina cult to one degree or another and it provided an informationflow structure that united the area in an inter-regional communicationnetwork that was in place when the Spanish entered the Southwest in AD1540. Interestingly, long-distance, inter-regional trade also isreestablished at this time (Riley 1975). Why the Katchina cult succeeded in reuniting the northern Southwestis unclear at this point but it is probably due to a number of factors.First, it emphasizes community-wide integration that cross-cutskin/corporate groups without requiring them to take a subordinateposition, thus facilitating the flow of information between thesegroups. Secondly, it provides an additional path to personal prestigeand power that complements rather than displaces the existing kin-basedsystem. This additional avenue of prestige and power, particularly as itrelates to the decision-making process and access to information, mayhave been particularly attractive to individuals who had limited accessto prestige in the more kin-centred system. Finally, the cult emphasizesrainfall and fertility and its spread through the northern Southwestcoincides with the end of a protracted pro��tract?tr.v. pro��tract��ed, pro��tract��ing, pro��tracts1. To draw out or lengthen in time; prolong: disputants who needlessly protracted the negotiations.2. drought. Exchange and competition in Zuni Economic interaction is another measure of cooperation and isexamined using ceramic trade. The ceramic sample was collected fromwell-dated sites from three areas [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 OMITTED].Changes in the amount of trade between these areas are examined througha sourcing analysis (see Stone 1992 for the raw data). The sourcing analysis was undertaken on 320 sherds. This sampleconsists of 20 Cibola white ware and 20 White Mountain red ware sherdsfrom each area from sites dated to three time-periods (the Chacoan,early Aggregated and Nucleated periods) with one exception. No samplesfrom the Nucleated period were available from one of the areas.Elemental analysis Elemental analysis is a process where a sample of some material (e.g., soil, waste or drinking water, bodily fluids, minerals, chemical compounds) is analyzed for its elemental and sometimes isotopic composition. of the clay bodies of the ceramics was performedusing a weak acid extraction method of inductively coupled plasma An inductively coupled plasma (ICP) is a type of plasma source in which the energy is supplied by electrical currents which are produced by electromagnetic induction, that is, by time-varying magnetic fields. (ICP (1) (Internet Cache Protocol) A protocol used by one proxy server to query another for a cached Web page without having to go to the Internet to retrieve it. See CARP and proxy server. )spectroscopy (Burton & Simon 1993). To measure changes in the level of exchange through time, ceramicsfrom the three time-periods were examined separately using canonicaldiscriminant dis��crim��i��nant?n.An expression used to distinguish or separate other expressions in a quantity or equation. analysis, where misclassifications are indicative of trade.Because White Mountain red wares and Cibola white wares may have beentraded through different spheres of exchange, they are examinedseparately for each time period. The results of the discriminant analysis are summarized in TABLE 2.During the Chacoan period, there is an indication of some trade betweenthe three areas with approximately 20 percent of the sherds beingmisclassified. The misclassification rate increases to betweenapproximately 25 to 30 percent during the early Aggregated periodsuggesting an initial increase in exchange. During the Nucleated period,there is no evidence of exchange between the three areas. In otherwords, there is an initial increase in trade in the region following thecollapse of the Chacoan system corresponding with the initial period ofaggregation and very early experimentation with organizationalstructures. However, this is followed by a period of increased communityisolation and lack of economic cooperation between the survey areaswithin the Zuni Region. This final period corresponds to the Nucleatedperiod in which there is increasing community isolation.TABLE 2. Classification success rates based on a discriminantanalysis for stylistic and ICP elemental data controlling for timeperiod. Chacoan Aggregated Nucleated period (%) period (%) period (%)Cibola 83.33 77.05 100.00white waresWhite Mountain 81.67 73.33 95.00red wares Conclusions The period between the fall of the Chacoan interregional in��ter��re��gion��al?adj.Of, involving, or connecting two or more regions: interregional migration; interregional banking.system andthe rise of the Katchina cult (AD 1150-1350) in Zuni is one of change.On a community level, this time-period is characterized by increasingdiversity of communal structures within communities (Saitta 1991) whichhas been interpreted as the rise of competing interest groups (Stone& Howell 1994b). This diversity also can be viewed in a broader context, that ofcompetition between communities resulting from differentialexperimentation in organizational structures affecting information flowwhich begins with the fall of the Chacoan system and escalates throughtime until regional factionalism is the norm. Community isolation isevident in the lack of trade and the defensive nature of site layoutduring the Nucleated period. The experimentation with organizational principles and the presenceof local factionalism seen in Zuni after the fall of the Chacoan systemfollows the pattern outlined for systems collapse. Specifically, thecollapse of inter-regional systems held together by common informationflow structures results in a dramatic change in the amount and nature ofthe information flow through the system, resulting in massive disruptionto the system. Individuals and communities attempt to mitigate thisdisruption and instability by experimenting with new organizationalprinciples. Because this experimentation occurs differently at eachcommunity due to differing perceptions of the degree of disruption,different organizational principles and associated information flowstructures are adopted. This results in further disruption ofcommunication and, therefore, cooperation, leading to increasingcompetition and conflict. This instability continues to escalate, asdoes the experimentation, until a new organizational principle ariseswhich serves to facilitate communication and cooperation at all levels,re-establishing the inter-regional network. Acknowledgements. Special thanks go to Jim Burton Jim Scott Burton (born October 27, 1949 in Royal Oak, Michigan) is a former middle relief pitcher who played for the Boston Red Sox (1975, 1977). He batted right handed and threw left handed. of the Universityof Wisconsin who performed the ICP analysis with funding provided by agrant from the Associated Students Association of Arizona StateUniversity Arizona State University,at Tempe; coeducational; opened 1886 as a normal school, became 1925 Tempe State Teachers College, renamed 1945 Arizona State College at Tempe. Its present name was adopted in 1958. . Keith Kintigh generously shared his data from the Ojo Bonito bonito:see mackerel. bonitoSwift, predaceous schooling fishes (genus Sarda) of the mackerel family (Scombridae). Bonitos, found worldwide, have a striped back and silvery belly and grow to about 30 in. (75 cm) long. Archaeological Project and the Heshot ul/a Archaeological ResearchProjects, while Chuck Redman and Patty Jo Watson Patty Jo Watson is an American archaeologist. Renowned for her work on pre-Columbian Native Americans, especially in the Mammoth Cave region of Kentucky, Watson devoted much of her early career to the archaeological study of the Ancient Near East. shared their data fromthe Cibola Archaeological Research Project. 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It was located at the western end of Java between the Java Sea and the Indian Ocean. In the early 16th century it became a powerful Muslim sultanate, which extended its control over parts of Sumatra and Borneo. Books. RENFREW, C. & J.F. CHERRY (ed.). 1986. Peer polity interactionand socio-political change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. RILEY, C.L. 1975. The road to Hawikuh: trade and trade routes toCihola Zuni during late prehistoric and early historic times, The Kiva41: 137-59. ROOT, D. 1983. Information exchange and the spatial configurationsof egalitarian societies, in J.A. Moore & A.S. Keen (ed.),Archaeological hammers and theories: 193-219. New York (NY): AcademicPress. SAITTA, D.J. 1991. Room use and community organization at thePettit Site, west central New Mexico The center of the U.S. state New Mexico. In the center of this region is Albuquerque, the largest city and only metropolitan area. External linksNew Mexico Tourism Department Website for Central New Mexico , The Kiva 56: 383-409. 1994. Class and community in the prehistoric Southwest, in Wills& Leonard (ed.): 25-44. SHENNAN, S. 1986. Interaction and change in 3rd millennium BCwestern and central Europe Central Europe is the region lying between the variously and vaguely defined areas of Eastern and Western Europe. In addition, Northern, Southern and Southeastern Europe may variously delimit or overlap into Central Europe. , in Renfrew & Cherry (ed.): 137-48. STONE, T. 1992. The process of aggregation in the AmericanSouthwest: a case study from Zuni, New Mexico. Unpublished Ph.Ddissertation, Department of Anthropology, Arizona State University,Tempe (AZ). STONE, T. & T.L. HOWELL. 1994a. Current research into thesocial, political, and economic organization of the Zuni region, inHowell & Stone (ed.): 1-8. 1994b. Contemporary theory in the study of sociopoliticalorganization, in Howell & Stone: 103-10. TOLL, H.W. 1991. Material distributions and exchange in the Chacosystem, in P.L. Crown & W.J. Judge (ed.), Chaco and Hohokam: 77-108.Santa Fe (NM): School of American Research Press. UPHAM, S. 1982. Polities and power, an economic and politicalhistory of the western Pueblo. New York (NY): Academic Press. UPHAM, S., K.G. LIGHTFOOT & G.M. FEINMAN. 1981. Explainingsocially determined ceramic distributions in the prehistoric plateausouthwest, American Antiquity 46:822-33. VAN DER LEEUW, S.E. 1981. Information flows, flow structures, andthe explanation of change in human institutions, in S.E. van der Leeuw(ed.), Archaeological approaches to the study of complexity: 230-312.Amsterdam: Universiteit van Amsterdam HistoryAthenaeumThe commonly-held predecessor of the Universiteit van Amsterdam, the Athenaeum Illustre (Latin - the illustrious Athenaeum) was founded in the 14th-century Agnietenkapel in Amsterdam in 1632, to educate students in History and Philosophy. . VIVIAN, R.G. 1990. The Chacoan prehistory of the Son Juan Basin.San Diego San Diego(săn dēā`gō), city (1990 pop. 1,110,549), seat of San Diego co., S Calif., on San Diego Bay; inc. 1850. San Diego includes the unincorporated communities of La Jolla and Spring Valley. Coronado is across the bay. (CA): Academic Press. WATSON, P.J., S. LEBLANC & C.L. REDMAN. 1980. Aspects of Zuniprehistory: preliminary report on excavations and survey in the El Morrovalley of New Mexico, Journal of Field Archaeology 7: 201-18. WILCOX, D. 1991. Hohokam social complexity, in P.L. Crown &W.J. Judge (ed.), Chaco and Hohokam: 253-76. Santa Fe (NM): School ofAmerican Research. WILCOX, D. & J. HAAS. 1994. The Cream of the Butterfly,competition and conflict in the prehistoric Southwest, in G.J. Gumerman(ed.), Themes in Southwest prehistory. 21138. Santa Fe (NM): School ofAmerican Research Press. WILLS, W.H. & R.D. LEONARD (ed.). 1994. The ancientsouthwestern community. Albuquerque (NM): University of New MexicoPress The University of New Mexico Press, founded in 1929, is a university press that is part of the University of New Mexico. External linkUniversity of New Mexico Press .