Telephones, Cameras and Technology in West New Britain Cargo Cults.

Telephones, Cameras and Technology in West New Britain Cargo Cults. ABSTRACT In this paper, I explore the creative practices of cargo cult cargo cult,native religious movement found in Melanesia and New Guinea, holding that at the millennium the spirits of the dead will return and bring with them cargoes of modern goods for distribution among its adherents. The cult had its beginnings in the 19th cent. followers in the Kaliai bush of West New Britain Coordinates: West New Britain is a province of Papua New Guinea on the islands of New Britain. The provincial capital is Kimbe. . I focus on how ruralvillagers reworked their experiences of meaning and sociality throughtheir appropriations of western technology. In particular, bush Kaliaicult followers frequently used telephones and cameras in idiosyncratic id��i��o��syn��cra��sy?n. pl. id��i��o��syn��cra��sies1. A structural or behavioral characteristic peculiar to an individual or group.2. A physiological or temperamental peculiarity.3. ways that mapped out anew and redisclosed the spaces occupied by aracialised human existence. Through their novel use of westerntechnology, cult followers struggled to resituate and overcome the newdistances and cleavages of modernity by unearthing other ways of beingwhite that came from their customary past and ancestral homelands. Throughout Melanesia, at various times and in different cults,villagers have used telephones, cameras, wirelesses, videos,televisions, submarines, ships and planes as new vehicles for theimagination. Villagers searched for new material techniques to sustain,move and transform their thoughts and existence. Western technologyseemed to offer new innovative tools for mediating, crossing, tyingtogether and overcoming the old cleavages of tradition and the newdividing practices of race. In this paper, I move away from amaterialist view of technology or rather I incorporate technology into amaterialist view of the human mind and its imaginary underpinnings(Bachelard 1969, 1983; Castoriadis 1987; Ricoeur 1978, 1979, 1986).Whilst it is true that technology changes history for people by changingtheir relations of production Relations of production (German: Produktionsverhaltnisse) is a concept frequently used by Karl Marx in his theory of historical materialism and in Das Kapital. Beyond examining specific cases, Marx never defined the general concept exactly. , I am more interested in how formillenarian mil��le��nar��i��an?adj.1. Of or relating to a thousand, especially to a thousand years.2. Of, relating to, or believing in the doctrine of the millennium.n.One who believes the millennium will occur. followers technology offered them new forms of history byoffering new techniques for positioning and disclosing the terms ofhuman relatedne ss. [1] Melanesian cargo cult followers used technologyto change the horizon within which race relations race relationsNoun, plthe relations between members of two or more races within a single communityrace relationsnpl → relaciones fpl raciales were placed andunfolded. Here technology's power to redraw To redisplay an image on screen whether text or graphics. The concept is that the first time elements are displayed, they are "drawn," and if something is changed, they are "redrawn." Applications often have a Refresh command that redraws the screen. the horizon orboundaries of race relations was intimately bound up with its power toshift and redraw the boundaries between the known and the unknown, thevisible and the invisible, what was public and what was secret, what wasclose and what was distant (Lattas 1998; of. Friedson 1996).Traditionally, these types of boundaries and their disclosingpossibilities had underpinned men's house cults, gender relations,dreams, visions and conversations with the dead. With the coming ofwestern institutions, these customary practices of secrecy anddisclosure were reconstituted and remediated by the new disclosingpossibilities of western technology unearthed Unearthed is the name of a Triple J project to find and "dig up" (hence the name) hidden talent in regional Australia.Unearthed has had three incarnations - they first visited each region of Australia where Triple J had a transmitter - 41 regions in all. by Melanesian villagers. In bush Kaliai cults, the forms of social distance that villagerslived in their relations were remeasured, laid out anew and, even seemedto be shortened, by that new perception of the world brought by theinstruments of western technology. The cultural forms that racialpolitics took in the cults involved using western technology as avehicle for imaginatively resituating and re-placing the secret terms ofhuman existence. The realm of the invisible, which traditionally hadhelped constitute the boundary or horizon of the visible world, wasracialised. It was racialised through the processes of being redrawn,revisualised and reheard through the medium of western technology. Herewestern technology became part of a racial politics that struggled todraw close the world of the dead in ways that familiarised Adj. 1. familiarised - having achieved a comfortable relation with your environmentfamiliarized, adjustedorientated, oriented - adjusted or located in relation to surroundings or circumstances; sometimes used in combination; "the house had its large whites butalso renegotiated and reowned the new forms of estrangement brought bywhite men. DEATH AND DISCLOSURE Like other Melanesian millenarian followers, the bush Kaliai oftenmimed the emotions, expressions, gestures and persona of Europeans(Lattas 1998). They especially liked to copy the white man's use ofmodern artifacts artifactssee specimen artifacts. , like telephones, wirelesses, planes, cameras andbinoculars. These industrial objects were reconstructed out of bushmaterial, discarded tins, empty jars, and holes in the ground.Technology was re-invented in other ways, for it was also used tocontact the dead in the hope of bringing them closer to the living. Thetraditional Melanesian dialogue with the dead was recontextualisedthrough its remediation by the instruments of modernity. Moderntechnology was used to resituate the world of the dead whilst the deadwere also used to resituate the world of modernity. Relevant here isHeidegger's (1977) discussion of the truth effects of technology,how technology can articulate the hermeneutic her��me��neu��tic? also her��me��neu��ti��caladj.Interpretive; explanatory.[Greek herm structure of theconcealed-revealed dialectic dialectic(dīəlĕk`tĭk)[Gr.,= art of conversation], in philosophy, term originally applied to the method of philosophizing by means of question and answer employed by certain ancient philosophers, notably Socrates. . One of Heidegger's main ideas, whichhe acquired from Ni etzsche (1973) was to redefine the essence of truthin terms of processes of concealing and revealing. Like Nietzsche,Heidegger was interested in the necessity for thought to posit theconcealed so as to create truth and reality through or as effects ofprocesses of disclosure (cf. Derrida 1979). Things come into presencenot in and of themselves but by being situated in a world of meaningthat determines the light that is shone on them, that reveals ordiscloses them in particular ways. A great deal of modern technology involves the crossing of space,where what is distant in the surface world is brought closer throughairplanes, binoculars, telephones and wirelesses. Modern technology alsocreates and mediates other topographical fields such as the distancebetween a visible world and an invisible world of concealed physicalpowers - be they electrical, chemical, or the laws of physics andthermodynamics thermodynamics,branch of science concerned with the nature of heat and its conversion to mechanical, electric, and chemical energy. Historically, it grew out of efforts to construct more efficient heat engines—devices for extracting useful work from expanding . This gives a revealing quality to modern technology asHeidegger (1977: 298) recognised: 'Unlocking, transforming,storing, distributing, and switching about are ways of revealing'.I want to argue that modern technology's bridging of the distancebetween the seen and the unseen was transformed by cargo cults intotheir own familiar forms of revelation and truth. In cargo cults, thewhite man's mechanisms for revealing and tapping into concealedscientific forces was assimilated to Melanesian magical practices forrevealing and tapping into the concealed forces belonging to thesecluded w orld of the dead. A space of death came to inhabit Europeantechnology, animating it in ways that revealed to the Kaliai the secretpresence of their ancestors. Through technology the distant world of thepast was once again drawn close to the present. It was the living deadwho now haunted the machinery of capitalism, who became its spirit andmotivating power. For cult followers, technology's processes of unconcealmentand its truth effects were similar to Melanesian customary practices ofsecrecy and disclosure through dreams, visions, rituals and possession(Feld 1982, 1996; Weiner 1995). Bush Kaliai customary secrets were boundup with the dead and especially with the hiddenness or invisibility ofthe dead. The removal of the dead from the living allowed the dead tooccupy a hidden space of truth. The dead could be used to create trutheffects through practices which crossed over into the invisible worldsthat the dead inhabited. Dreams, hallucinations HallucinationsDefinitionHallucinations are false or distorted sensory experiences that appear to be real perceptions. These sensory impressions are generated by the mind rather than by any external stimuli, and may be seen, heard, felt, and even , possession, and ritualswere the customary practices of revelation that the Kaliai used toredisclose and light up the world in different ways, namely from thestandpoint of the dead. Borrowing and remaking these customarypractices, bush Kaliai cult followers sought to end the isolation of thedead from the living by unearthing, catching, and communicating withtheir ancestors via modern technology. Followers also often used songs, dances, feasts, dress, and ritualsto make the ancestors feel sorry for the living. At times followerscriticised the dead for remaining unmoved un��moved?adj.Emotionally unaffected.unmovedAdjectivenot affected by emotion; indifferentAdj. 1. by their descendents'homages to them. The dead were seen to control their ability to revealthemselves and they were suspected of using their self-imposed isolationto punish the living. Through cult practices, followers struggled toregain access and control over the space of death and truth, in acontext where the material living standards living standardsnpl → nivel msg de vidaliving standardsliving npl → niveau m de vieliving standardsliving npl of Whites seemed to confirmtheir claim (for example, through the Church) to know where the dead,God and truth secretly resided. It was Whites, more so than Melanesians,who were seen to control processes of concealment; especially thedisguising and hiding away of the dead. Indeed, Whites were oftenaccused of fouling the open traffic that ought to exist between the deadand their living relatives. The ability of Whites to control truth wasbelieved to reside in their ability to conceal throug h more powerfuland cunning ways than the Kaliai, who sometimes saw themselves astrapped in the false concealing practices of tradition -- likebullroarers, tumbuan masks and other secret cult items of the men'shouse (Lattas 1992b). Bush Kaliai cult followers often struggled tounearth those powerful concealing practices of Europeans, which workedto keep Melanesians imprisoned im��pris��on?tr.v. im��pris��oned, im��pris��on��ing, im��pris��onsTo put in or as if in prison; confine.[Middle English emprisonen, from Old French emprisoner : en- in false concealing practices. Nowadays,the bush Kalini see the culture of the men's house as a false formof secrecy that was given by God as a punishment before he left forAmerica. In their cults, Kaliai villagers sometimes sought to give uptheir customary men's house secrets and postulated pos��tu��late?tr.v. pos��tu��lat��ed, pos��tu��lat��ing, pos��tu��lates1. To make claim for; demand.2. To assume or assert the truth, reality, or necessity of, especially as a basis of an argument.3. more utopianworlds where men and women were not divided by monstrous masks. Yet, atthe same time as the Kaliai voiced these desires, they also often intheir cults created new forms of secrecy. People experimented with new,more empowering forms of concealment, which could take the form ofsecret names, new masks, cult offices, or telephone sites for speakingto God, masalai and the dead. Melanesian villagers are renowned for creating millenarian cultsout of the borrowed practices, rituals, narratives and symbols ofwestern culture (Burridge 1960, 1969; Lawrence 1964; Worsley 1957). Cultfollowers often poached poach?1?tr.v. poached, poach��ing, poach��esTo cook in a boiling or simmering liquid: Poach the fish in wine. on the hermeneutic practices of western culture,converting its disclosures and layers of meaning into a new secretsociety that has its own regimes and techniques for producing trutheffects. A history of European contact in Melanesia would need toexplore 'the becoming of truth' and in particular explorethose transformations in processes of concealment and revelation thathave made the experience and production of truth different at differenthistorical moments. Such an approach would marry Foucault's (1970,1972, 1977, 1982) genealogical ge��ne��al��o��gy?n. pl. ge��ne��al��o��gies1. A record or table of the descent of a person, family, or group from an ancestor or ancestors; a family tree.2. Direct descent from an ancestor; lineage or pedigree. concern with the historical production oftruth effects to Heidegger's concern with how truth emerges as aneffect of concealment and disclosure. For Heidegger, concealment doesnot exclude or deny truth, but is necessary to create the truth effec tsof disclosure. Moreover, the particular forms that concealment, removal,hiddenness, and absence take determine the forms of co-presence withinwhich the world is disclosed. We are dealing here with what Schurmann(1990) calls economies of presence, which is that circulation of signsand also absences of meaning that work to light up and reveal the worldin particular ways. It is representations of absence that make the worldpresent in particular ways. The presencing of the world emerges fromcultural techniques for figuring and producing absences, distances,invisibility and forms of concealment. A genealogy genealogy(jē'nēŏl`əjē, –ăl`–, jĕ–), the study of family lineage. Genealogies have existed since ancient times. of truth in Melanesia would use cargo cults to explorehistorically how this dialectic between absence and presence,concealment and revelation, the seen and the unseen, was refiguredthrough remaking those processes of disclosure that the white manbrought, not only in Christianity but also through modem technology. Thewhite man's ships, submarines, airplanes, cameras, binoculars,wirelesses and telephones, allowed what was absent, concealed, distantand unseen to be redisclosed and re-presented anew through new forms ofcommunication and mobility, and through the media of glass, wire andelectricity. It is no accident that the Melanesian Pidgin pidgin(pĭj`ən), a lingua franca that is not the mother tongue of anyone using it and that has a simplified grammar and a restricted, often polyglot vocabulary. word forshaman shaman(shä`mən, shā`–, shă`–), religious practitioner in various, generally small-scale societies who is believed to be able to diagnose, cure, and sometimes cause illness because of a special relationship with, or is glasman (glass-man), for the shaman uses his visions anddreams like the glas (glass, i.e. spy-glass or field glasses) of thewhite man to bring what is distant close, to disclose that which isremoved or cannot be seen. Cult followers merged modern technologicalpractices for disclosing the hidden with local customary practices for disclosing hidden meanings and worlds. Followers struggled to transformtheir existing world by revealing anew its hidden premises and byreinventing the techniques of disclosure that situated truth and thevisible world by situating the unseen. For followers, the transformativeworld of the dead would be brought closer and relit through new morepowerful forms of glas than that provided by the time-honored methods ofdreams and hallucinations. Perhaps more accurately, the customaryrevelatory world of visions and shamans was displaced and remediatedthrough that new world of penetrating vision embodied in the glastechnology of Europeans - their binoculars, cameras, videos, andtelevisions but also their telephones, wirelesses, and planes, for thesetoo span the distance between the seen and the unseen, what is audibleand inaudible, what is absent and present. It is a question of the cultural forms that 'distance'takes and what cultural forms the process of overcoming distance alsoassumes. It is a question of how creative processes are mediated byimages of movement and by techniques for spacing and figuring otherness oth��er��ness?n.The quality or condition of being other or different, especially if exotic or strange: "We're going to see in Europe ... .Cargo cult beliefs and rituals seek to create and introduce analternative space or moment within the present; and they do so byseeking to alter the relationship between what is near and what isfar-off, what is present and what is missing, what is current and whatoccupies the alternative times of the past and future. Indeed, theexperience of distance that is measured by one's removal fromone's origin and future becomes the language for thinking about thedistance of race. What is more, often the spatial and temporal images ofdistance employed to construct race relations borrowed on Christianity;with one's nearness and removal from God becoming a way ofconceiving of those distances separating Europeans and Melanesians. AsHeidegger has poin ted out, people's experience of a world is oftenconstituted in relationship to how God is spatially and temporallypositioned in relationship to the present. By the opening up of a world, all things gain their lingering andhastening, their remoteness and nearness, their scope and limits. In aworld's worlding is gathered that spaciousness out of which theprotective grace of the gods is granted or withheld. Even this doom, ofthe god remaining absent, is a way in which world worlds. A work, by being a work, makes space for that spaciousness."To make space for" means here to liberate the free space ofthe open region and to establish it in its structure. (Heidegger1977:170-1) Cargo cults seek to refigure the spatial boundaries of the world byrefiguring the lingering presence or absence of God, by altering Hisremoteness and nearness. The scope and limits of the present world arechanged by altering that relationship to God which provides people withthe spatial and temporal structure of their world. The setting up of aworld is the setting up of a relationship with that which is withdrawnfrom it, for it is the experience of an absence which gives presence itsstructure. Absence is not just a nothingness, it has a structure andreality. Each culture has its tropes and narratives for figuring thatabsence which is removed from the world but which is also at the sametime secretly constitutive constitutive/con��sti��tu��tive/ (kon-stich��u-tiv) produced constantly or in fixed amounts, regardless of environmental conditions or demand. of it (cf. Sartre 1988). Notions of an absentGod, of lost or misplaced mis��place?tr.v. mis��placed, mis��plac��ing, mis��plac��es1. a. To put into a wrong place: misplace punctuation in a sentence.b. ancestral heroes, and of removed orunconcerned dead relatives are some of the formulae which a culture canemploy to talk about and set up that absence that lingers in all thingsand determines the nature of their co-pre sence. The cultural presencethat absence is given shapes and highlights the spatial and temporalstructure of presence as it is lived. In the bush Kaliai area, thisabsence was sometimes figured in myth as a black Moses or Christ who ranaway to America. At other times this absence was figured to be angry,uncaring dead relatives concealed in the earth and distant mountains(Lattas 1998). In the 1970s, the bush Kaliai cargo cult leader Censure A formal, public reprimand for an infraction or violation.From time to time deliberative bodies are forced to take action against members whose actions or behavior runs counter to the group's acceptable standards for individual behavior. In the U.S. stated thatpresent racial divisions were grounded in past crimes committed by thosein the surface world against the dead. For this reason, followerssacrificed pigs to the dead, gave them shell money and honoured themwith compensatory songs, dances and ceremonies. The resolution of thisdomestic strife would allow followers to overcome the racial injusticethat made up the lived experience of being a netif (native). Such themesworked to familiarise the sources of racial inequality racial inequalityRacial disparity Social medicine, public healthA disparity in opportunity for socioeconomic advancement or access to goods and services based solely on race. See Women and health. . Along with mythsabout the personal nature of the offence given to a black Christ who ranaway, such themes allowed the experience of race to be domesticated do��mes��ti��cate?tr.v. do��mes��ti��cat��ed, do��mes��ti��cat��ing, do��mes��ti��cates1. To cause to feel comfortable at home; make domestic.2. To adopt or make fit for domestic use or life.3. a. , tobe brought into the realm of kinship and home. It is here a question of how racial difference and inequality areassimilated to the ways people think about the concealed and how peopletry to use kinship to remediate re��me��di��a��tion?n.The act or process of correcting a fault or deficiency: remediation of a learning disability.re��me racial distances by making the concealedmove closer to the world of the familiar, to the world that is lit up.Just as that which is present to us is seen within a certain light, sothat which is hidden is also seen within a certain light. Indeed, asHeidegger has pointed out, it is concealment which generates and createsour sense of presence, the way we view the world: 'Concealment asrefusal is not simply and only the limit of knowledge in any givencircumstance, but the beginning of the lighting of what is lighted'(Heidegger 1977:175). The Kaliai in their cargo cults often seized uponitems of European technology for they recognised and wanted toappropriate their means-to-an-end function and design. Followers wantedthese pieces of equipment to fulfil not just the desires of Europeansbut also their own desires for cargo, a new white skin, a new morality,and the pleasure of once again seeing departed relatives. The Kaliairecognised technology for what it is, namely, a human act of contrivancethat makes possible the realisation of certain objectives. Into themedium of European technology, people inserted their own forms of wishfulfillment wish fulfillmentn.In psychoanalytic theory, the satisfaction of a desire, need, or impulse through a dream or other exercise of the imagination. . Indeed followers merged traditional ways of realising endsthrough magical techniques with European ways of realising ends throughmodern technology. This merger resulted in modern technology acquiring acertain magicality; it acq uired new mimetic mimetic/mi��met��ic/ (mi-met��ik) pertaining to or exhibiting imitation or simulation, as of one disease for another. mi��met��icadj.1. Of or exhibiting mimicry.2. moments of disclosure andcontrol. Magic did not become a primitive science, instead thedisclosing, transformative moments of technology merged with thedisclosing transformative moments of magic so that technology acquiredan enchanted en��chant?tr.v. en��chant��ed, en��chant��ing, en��chants1. To cast a spell over; bewitch.2. To attract and delight; entrance. See Synonyms at charm. , ghostly presence. What allowed magic to merge withtechnology was the common project of bringing forth through humanartifice ar��ti��fice?n.1. An artful or crafty expedient; a stratagem. See Synonyms at wile.2. Subtle but base deception; trickery.3. Cleverness or skill; ingenuity. that which is not present. Both generated their truth effectsby tapping into the hidden and the unknown. The aesthetic power andattraction of technology, not only for the Kaliai but also for us in theWest, emerges out of the aura of truth it produces when it calls up andemploys a concealed world of power; be it in the form of chemicalreactions This is the 18th episode of television drama Men in Trees. It originally aired on June 25, 2007 on the TV2 network in New Zealand as a continuation of season 1. RecapMarin and Cash have a stew cook off, she admits his is better than hers. , the laws of physics, electricity, sound waves or whatever. For cargo cult followers, the politics of colonialism is often astruggle to control practices of secrecy and processes of concealment.Race relations are experienced as a struggle to own access and controlover those worlds of the hidden upon which are built people's senseof the real world. The modalities ModalitiesThe factors and circumstances that cause a patient's symptoms to improve or worsen, including weather, time of day, effects of food, and similar factors. for revealing the real, for creating asense of presence, are determined by a culture's sense of thehidden. The awe that people experience before Christianity and westerntechnology is an awe concerning the secret powers that westerners tapand utilise, but also an awe concerning the practices of concealment anddisclosure that Europeans use to sustain a sense of what is present. Intheir dreams and visions, Melanesians struggle to disclose and capturethe imperceptible im��per��cep��ti��ble?adj.1. Impossible or difficult to perceive by the mind or senses: an imperceptible drop in temperature.2. powers that animate European technology and thatempower Christian churches. In their cult practices, villagers mimewestern practices of concealment and disclosure so as to capture newtruth effects and new horizons of visibility. Freedom and people's sense of the political is closely tied tothis process of opening up the concealed, of escaping from particularways of lighting up the world. It was Heidegger (1977: 306) whorecognised this when he wrote: Freedom governs the open in the sense of the cleared and lightedup, i.e., the revealed. To the occurrence of revealing, i.e. of truth,freedom stands in the closest and most intimate kinship. All revealingbelongs within a harboring and a concealing. But that which frees - themystery - is concealed and always concealing itself. All revealing comesout of the open, goes into the open, and brings into the open. Thefreedom of the open consists neither in unfettered arbitrariness nor inthe constraint of mere laws. Freedom is that which conceals in a waythat opens to light, in whose lighting shimmers that veil that hides theessential occurrence of all truth and lets the veil appear as whatveils. Freedom is the realm of the destining that at any given timestarts a revealing on its way. Freedom is bound up with processes of revealing, of clearing awayuntruths so as to allow a new form of visibility, a new way of lightingup the world. This process of bringing secrets and the hidden into theopen is not arbitrary but governed by culture; it is a mode ofdisclosure. In the context of European hegemony, these modalities forconcealing and revealing become reflected upon, despised, banished,transformed, and borrowed from other cultures. The processes of secrecyand veiling themselves come to be seen as central to the constitutionand transformation of a present racialised existence. Certain customaryprocesses of veiling like masks will be given up but only so that newprocesses of veiling can be taken up or made central. [2] For Heideggerand Nietzsche, the experience of freedom is not only constituted in thestripping away of old veils and the revelation of hidden mysteries butalso in the consciousness that emerges of life as inherently veiled. Iconsider this sense of the need for deceptio ns as underpinning thetricks that cargo cult leaders often played on their own followers. Forexample, the cargo cult leader Censure sometimes made his children goaround at night whistling so that followers would assume that the deadhad come closer to the living. Another cargo cult leader, Mapilu, triedto mail a letter to the dead (Lattas 1998:108). The letter was putinside an envelope and then placed inside a mat. Later when the envelopewas opened, the letter had gone, supposedly to its destination - thedead who now lived like Whites. Some villagers suspected thatMapilu's brother-in-law, who was handling this letter, might havesecretly removed it when placing the envelopes inside the mat. Thoughvillagers have such suspicions, this does not necessarily underminetheir faith in cult practices. Indeed, the same cult leaders whoperpetrate per��pe��trate?tr.v. per��pe��trat��ed, per��pe��trat��ing, per��pe��tratesTo be responsible for; commit: perpetrate a crime; perpetrate a practical joke. such deceptions on their followers are the strongestbelievers in the reality of the dead and in the need to free people byrevealing another hidden layer of existen ce within the present order ofthings. PHOTOGRAPHY AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF OTHER WORLDS In terms of the Kaliai bush, the most detailed information I haveconcerning the earliest use of European technology to disclose the whiteman's secrets was the case of a policeman called Tigi. In early1963, he returned to his home village of Bob for a two and a half monthperiod of leave, when he was reported to the authorities by neighbouringcoastal villagers for spreading stories. Even now, many Kaliai villagersremain convinced of the truth of Tigi's stories and believe he wasdismissed from the police force for revealing secrets that he was dutybound to conceal. One secret that Tigi revealed was why Europeans kepttheir cemeteries in such good order. In his recorded confession to thecolonial authorities, Tigi told of a Morobe man who went andphotographed the graves of his ancestors. He told of how this Morobe manwas later gaoled by Whites who wanted to conceal the truth aboutcemeteries. Formerly all the people in Papua and New Guinea New Guinea(gĭn`ē), island, c.342,000 sq mi (885,780 sq km), SW Pacific, N of Australia; the world's second largest island after Greenland. were all right[i.e. had the same lifestyle as Europeans]. One day a Morobe man tooksome pictures of the graves of his ancestors. This New Guinea man tookthe pictures and then sent them to be developed by Europeans. TheEuropeans saw these pictures. When they saw these pictures they askedthe New Guinea man, "Where did you get these pictures?" TheNew Guinea man replied he took the pictures at the graveyard. TheEuropeans asked, "Who informed you to take pictures at thecemetery?" The New Guinea man replied, "It was my idea."The Europeans then said, "You cannot do this, we are keeping this asecret. Now you have discovered this secret." Some bush Kaliai villagers claim that when the Morobe man had hisphotographs 'washed' (developed), the colourful plants next tothe graves were no longer visible as plants but as the faces of peoplewho lived long ago. In 1995, when I interviewed Tigi, he stated that theancestors in these photographs had white skins and other Europeanfeatures. Here the inaccessible worlds of the dead and of Europeansbecome amalgamated a��mal��ga��mate?v. a��mal��ga��mat��ed, a��mal��ga��mat��ing, a��mal��ga��matesv.tr.1. To combine into a unified or integrated whole; unite. See Synonyms at mix.2. and redisclosed through that alternative vision ofthe world bestowed by the camera. The camera provides access to the realworld as seen through the eyes of Europeans and as such it becomes amagical tool of disclosure capable of revealing the clandestine CLANDESTINE. That which is done in secret and contrary to law. 2.Generally a clandestine act in case of the limitation of actions will prevent the act from running. worldsthat Europeans monopolise Verb 1. monopolise - have and control fully and exclusively; "He monopolizes the laser printer"monopolizecontrol, command - exercise authoritative control or power over; "control the budget"; "Command the military forces"2. and claim as their privilege. The camerabecomes that mobile western instrument which allows the world of visionto be displaced so that vision itself can be visualised differently;namely, from vantage points belonging to the dead and from the secretvantage points belonging to whites. It is the white man 's seeingof the unseen which is coveted cov��et?v. cov��et��ed, cov��et��ing, cov��etsv.tr.1. To feel blameworthy desire for (that which is another's). See Synonyms at envy.2. To wish for longingly. See Synonyms at desire. and appropriated by the Morobe man andTigi. The camera in the material form of a photograph allows somethingwhich is no longer present, which is out of sight, to have a continuedvisual presence. It is this keeping present of the unseen, thisrelocation of reality into the picture, which gives the camera a certainmagicality, a certain transformative potential. In the late 1970s, a bush Kaliai woman called Melo began a cargocult in which she used a 'camera' not only to reveal the worlddifferently from the way it ordinarily appeared to people's eyesbut also so as to transform her followers and their world. Using piecesof timber and vines, Melo built a 'camera' and then sheinstructed her followers to decorate themselves and line up to bephotographed by her. Followers were told that afterwards, when theirphotographs were 'washed' and came back, they would seethemselves with white skins. These were the new skins they would lateracquire when their cult was successful. Monongyo quoted and explainedMelo's thinking like this: She would make people stand up for a while [to be photographed] andthen tell them: "You can now be happy. Later I will wash [develop]this. When the film comes back, you can see these photos of ours and behappy. Now you must decorate yourselves good. Later you will see yourskin and it will be as white as that of all white men. It will not comeup black, like us natives. No way!" Their skin would come up white,like all you whites, and then they [Melo's followers] could behappy. The hair would not be like ours, it would look like that of yours.They [people in the photos] would come up like all whites and then allkinds of something [cargo] would come up. Melo informed her followers that if they did not get theirphotographs taken 'then it would not be enough for their skins tochange and for them to come up like all masta; they would stay like olkanaka (natives).' Those whose skins remained dark would become thenet if of the new race of white men; and their black skin andsubordinate position would remain with them forever. Like other Kaliaicult leaders, Melo presented her work as villagers last chance to earnthe right to enjoy a future European life-style. Her photos were notjust representations of, but a means of producing, a new white body forpeople. As Monongyo put it: Yes, the photo would change their skin. For it is like this withthis photo of theirs: she would wash this photo and after she washed ittheir skin would come up good. Now supposing some people were afraid andshe was not able to photograph them, then their skin would remain black. We see here the symbolic washing of black identity through thechemical washing of its representation in photographs. I believe thatembodied implicitly in this act of washing an image of oneself werenotions of moral purity, baptism and rebirth - all of which were majorbush Kaliai cargo cult themes (Lattas 1998). Relevant here is the factthat the local words used for a representation, including a photograph,are the same words used for soul - in Pisin it is tevil and in the locallanguages of Mouk and Aria it is ano (these are also the words used forone's reflection and shadow). Through her photos, Melo was washingand transforming people's souls, their self-images. She producedand washed the new formative self-images that came from new ways ofpositioning the constituting gaze of the other. Melo's appropriation of the camera occurred alongside herappropriating the pedagogic ped��a��gog��ic? also ped��a��gog��i��caladj.1. Of, relating to, or characteristic of pedagogy.2. Characterized by pedantic formality: a haughty, pedagogic manner. mannerisms of Europeans. She often dressedlike a white man and would strut around her village with the sameauthoritative body postures as a white colonial kiap. She would inspecther village for its tidiness and would order individuals to remove grassand excrement excrement/ex��cre��ment/ (eks��kri-mint)1. feces.2. excretion (2).ex��cre��mentn.Waste matter or any excretion cast out of the body, especially feces. . Inside her house, she built a European style chair andfollowers would come and tell her their worries. She would sit in thechair in an unusual way with crossed legs which one informant informantHistorian Medtalk A person who provides a medical history explainedas: 'It marked in her talk that she was a master'. Like awhite man, she also had domestic servants and a secretary who wouldrecord her teachings and messages from the dead. It is the persona ofEuropeans that Melo incorporated and it was their gaze that she capturedin her village inspections, pedagogic counseling sessions, writtenrecords and her camera. Melo's claim that by washing her followers' photos theirskin would 'come up good' served to merge popular,rudimentary, chemical notions of photographic development withappropriated Christian notions of moral development and socialtransformation through cleaning and baptising people's souls. Manybush Kaliai (like Tigi and Melo) believe that the photograph whichcaptures one's tevil or ano can also capture and reveal the hiddensecond body that a person will inhabit when they die -- for death isregularly spoken of as leaving behind one's first skin so as tolive in a second body, in a second skin. Melo's camera promised notonly to reveal but also to create this second idealised Adj. 1. idealised - exalted to an ideal perfection or excellenceidealizedperfect - being complete of its kind and without defect or blemish; "a perfect circle"; "a perfect reproduction"; "perfect happiness"; "perfect manners"; "a perfect specimen"; "a skin thatfollowers were to acquire when their cult won the new law of existence.The camera allowed people's soulano-tevil to be internalised intowhat seemed to be a more powerful medium of representation, a morepowerful form of mimesis mimesis/mi��me��sis/ (mi-me��sis) the simulation of one disease by another.mimet��ic mi��me��sisn.1. The appearance of symptoms of a disease not actually present, often caused by hysteria. belonging to the white man, which was nowmerged with the mimetic cult practices of ritual. The camera creates a double of the world, a second way of renderingit present, and because of this it was rendered as capable of mediatingthe second reality of a hidden world belonging to the dead or of afuture world. Here alternative ways of doubling the world becomeamalgamated so as to become doorways into each other'spossibilities. The transformative power that villagers projected onto their newrepresentational rep��re��sen��ta��tion��al?adj.Of or relating to representation, especially to realistic graphic representation.rep practices was not a totally new phenomenon that emergedwith the coming of what seemed to be more powerful European forms ofmimesis. For in traditional Kaliai culture, spells often work byoperating on a 'picture' (ano or tevil) of the desired objector state of affairs. In rain magic, the leaves of plants that growaround streams are used to hold water above a fire, which heats up theleaves until they break releasing a sudden flow of water as in atropical storm tropical stormn.A cyclonic storm having winds ranging from approximately 48 to 121 kilometers (30 to 75 miles) per hour.tropical storm. Prior to hunting, men will perform magic using insectsthat float on water and that resemble the game they want to catch. Forwild pigs, they will use a short fat insect whilst for cassowaries along-legged thin insect. These insects are said to be'pictures', the ano, tevil, that is representational doubles,of the desired game. Cameras come to participate in this magicalrelationship between representations and the hidden or future reality towhich they refer, for photographic images also capture and draw closethe alternative hidden reality of objects. Thus, in photos, thecolourful plants at graves are revealed to be the living dead who haveacquired white-skins or alternatively, as in the case of Melo, peoplesee their future white self as being realised through the process ofbeing photographed. In providing an alternative positioning of objectsby displacing them into the world of representation, the camera isassociated with the alternative hidden realities of objects which intraditional culture is their soul (ano, tevil). The camera relocates theworld of objects by mimetically reproducing a double of them, and forthis reason the camera can become a magical vehicle for alternativevisions of other relocated worlds. The camera displaces the world intoanother medium of existence offered by the space of representation andin doing so promises that relocation and displacement of existence whichthe cargo cults are interested in magically producing. Cameras are g oodto think with in cargo cults because they offer the promise of analternative second existence which they partly realise in the way theymaterially reproduce the world. Through her camera, Melo experimented with the boundaries of blackidentity. Indeed, she used the empowering vision of a technologicalEuropean gaze to produce new corporeal Possessing a physical nature; having an objective, tangible existence; being capable of perception by touch and sight.Under Common Law, corporeal hereditaments are physical objects encompassed in land, including the land itself and any tangible object on it, that can be schemes for her followers. Theynow had a compromised hybrid sene se��ne?n. pl. seneSee Table at currency.[Samoan, from Englishcent.]Noun 1. of themselves as a white bodyconcealed by an existing black skin that the camera would wash away.They would be chemically and photographically baptised Adj. 1. baptised - having undergone the Christian ritual of baptismbaptized into their newcleaner white identities by the camera. This belief in the creativemagical power of the camera did correspond to a certain truth and thatconcerns the way all identity is constituted through a process of seeingoneself through the eyes of others including all their techniques forcapturing and accentuating processes of seeing. What perhaps makes themechanical eye of Europeans so powerful is that the transformative,productive potential of machines is married to the field of viewingbodies, such that the field of vision is experienced anew as powerfuland transformative. Moreover, the camera, in the photos it generates,does offer people alternative ways of seeing their racialised bodies. Itdoes displace their netif identities into an alternative, unfamiliar,material space and into alternative ways of visualising the self andexistence. It is this new alternative way of doubling the body andexistence, which is experienced as magical for it corresponds and opensout onto that future displacement and remaking of the self and existencepromised by the cult. Through her camera, Melo's followers revealed themselvesdifferently to themselves. They participated in a new perspective onthemselves where through the lens of a European cultural artifact A cultural artifact is a human-made which gives information about the culture of its creator and users. The artifact may change over time in what it represents, how it appears and how and why it is used as the culture changes over time. theywould remake re��make?tr.v. re��made , re��mak��ing, re��makesTo make again or anew.n.1. The act of remaking.2. Something in remade form, especially a new version of an earlier movie or song. and whiten their problematised netif identities. This newself-vision promised a new empowered Melanesian self. Melo's camerapartly re-enacted a colonial hegemonic situation that had problematisedblack identity and idealised whiteness. Yet Melo's camera alsoappropriated the promise of this colonising project where through thesupervisory gaze of Whites, villagers would be remade re��made?v.Past tense and past participle of remake. like Europeans. Anew form of self-development was being posited where the transformativepedagogic projects of the West were displaced and condensed con��dense?v. con��densed, con��dens��ing, con��dens��esv.tr.1. To reduce the volume or compass of.2. To make more concise; abridge or shorten.3. Physicsa. into thatnew form of vision offered by the new objectifying gaze of the camera.Development came to be redeveloped in ways that let the bush Kaliai ownthe process of whitening themselves. Melo's camera took theredemptive educational projects of European hegemony, which is pe oplebecoming white by seeing themselves through European eyes, andreobjectified it. The magical power of the camera refetishised thetransformative, uplifting projects of European cultural hegemony Cultural hegemony is a concept coined by Marxist philosopher Antonio Gramsci. It means that a diverse culture can be ruled or dominated by one group or class, that everyday practices and shared beliefs provide the foundation for complex systems of domination. . Itcondensed the civilising process of becoming white into a materialobject that embodied the gaze and representational practices of Europeanculture which could now be appropriated by Melanesians. They could nowstart whitening themselves through a copy of Europeans' processesof copying, through miming European mimetic practices, and throughseeing by means of European ways of seeing. Melo's camera allowed the bush Kaliai to search for new morepowerful forms of mimetic magic, for more powerful ways of transforminga representation into reality, or more accurately for a way ofrepresenting foreign representational practices so that they realisedthe foreign culture they embodied. European copying practices werereconstituted by becoming part of a magical cosmology cosmology,area of science that aims at a comprehensive theory of the structure and evolution of the entire physical universe.Modern Cosmological Theories which understoodthe copy to be partly the spiritual essence, soul or second reality ofwhat was depicted. The alternative duplications of reality offered byEuropean technology promised an alternative world which was not simplythe promise of an alternative ideational i��de��ate?v. i��de��at��ed, i��de��at��ing, i��de��atesv.tr.To form an idea of; imagine or conceive: "Such characters represent a grotesquely blown-up aspect of an ideal man . . . world, but an alternative realworld to which the representation referred. It is a question ofphotographing oneself into existence, of taking the mimeticrepresentational practices of western culture and casting them under thespell of an indigenous system of magic that is able to draw a soul,hidden truths and concealed realities out of representations. Through her camera, Melo, like the Morobe man who photographedgraves, crossed and superimposed su��per��im��pose?tr.v. su��per��im��posed, su��per��im��pos��ing, su��per��im��pos��es1. To lay or place (something) on or over something else.2. together the world of the past with theworld of the future. The powerful mimetic practices of Europeans wereused to reawaken Verb 1. reawaken - awaken once againawaken, wake up, waken, rouse, wake, arouse - cause to become awake or conscious; "He was roused by the drunken men in the street"; "Please wake me at 6 AM." the mimetic powers of the ancestors so as to uncoveranother kind of modernity owned and controlled by Melanesians. Anotherexample of this was when Melo constructed so-called'binoculars' from bits of bush timber and vines that she thenused to navigate around in the bush. I was told these'binoculars' let her see the dead and invisible places thathad cars, electric lights and iron roofed houses. In disclosing anddrawing close the unseen, Melo's binoculars crisscrossed thedistance between the living and the dead with the distances between thepast and the future, white and black, and European and Melanesian. Thisinterweaving of different differences went hand in hand with somethingelse with which Melo was experimenting, namely the gender boundaries ofher identity. Elsewhere (Lattas 1998), I have explored how Melo adoptedan androgynous an��drog��y��nous?adj.1. Biology Having both female and male characteristics; hermaphroditic.2. Being neither distinguishably masculine nor feminine, as in dress, appearance, or behavior. persona: she stuck hair to her face, used vines toflatten her chest, carried things on her shoulders like men, worewestern men's clothes, and mimed the postures, attitudes andactions of European kiaps. In her everyday behaviour, Melo experimentedwith new hybrid forms of identity that blurred racial divisions byblurring sexual divisions. She especially copied the mannerisms of whitemen in the hope that they would perceive her as one of them and wouldlisten to her requests for cargo. Here Melo's everyday behaviourenacted that same crossing of difference and distance that she sought torealise through her camera and binoculars. CENSURE'S CULT: RE-VISUALISING THE DEAD AND ONESELF Prior to starting her own cult, in the early 1970s Melo had beenpart of Censure's cult, which had also sought to localise v. t. 1. Same as localize.Verb 1. localise - identify the location or place of; "We localized the source of the infection"localize, place thephotographic gaze of Europeans. Censure would line up followers atcertain holes in the ground known as 'doors' and'telephones', and there followers would be photographed by thedead. Censure's son - Posingen - described these scenes like this: He [Censure] spoke that the [underground] people who lived at thetelephone, they would photograph [kamerim] everyone. Suppose fatherheard good wind [talk] from a [an underground] man, he [the undergroundman] would say: "Tell all the people to stand up good, so I canphotograph them all". Father would then say: "You all stand upgood so all the people at the [telephone] door can photograph you. Youmust stand up straight, you can not lie about". He would speak likethis "if you want to throw [dance] the law, then do it good so theycan photograph you". The people at the door would then photographand father would inform everyone "they have finished photographingyou". Censure emphasised the importance of performing well thecult's songs and rituals, which he received from the undergroundand taught his followers. He also emphasised that the cult'srituals would not succeed without correct moral behaviour and thisincluded a new form of respect by men for women. It was women whoperformed many of the cult's songs and dances which werere-mirrored down below as the productive work of underground femalechrists (Lattas 1998). As was the case with traditional ceremonieswitnessed by the dead, those in the underground were meant to admirefollowers' performances and see them as a form of reverence.Indeed, the underground was meant to feel obligated to repay the hardceremonial work of followers. Cult rituals would make the ancestors feelsorry for the poor state of their descendants DESCENDANTS. Those who have issued from an individual, and include his children, grandchildren, and their children to the remotest degree. Ambl. 327 2 Bro. C. C. 30; Id. 230 3 Bro. C. C. 367; 1 Rop. Leg. 115; 2 Bouv. n. 1956. 2. whom they would then repaywith cargo. These ancestors in the form of white spirit beings wouldcome and photograph the ceremonial work of the living and, for thisreason, Censure would instruct h is followers: Stand up good and dance good so they can photograph you nicely, soyour photo can be good... You must all stand up good so the people atthe door can photograph you all. You all must stand up straight, youcannot lie about... if you want to work the law [of the cult, of thefuture] then do this well so that they [underground dead] can photographyou all. The creation of a memory in the dead would be through orderedritual displays of respect that had been permanently captured andimpressed upon the dead via photographs. Here one form ofmemorialisation blends with another; the mnemonic Pronounced "ni-mon-ic." A memory aid. In programming, it is a name assigned to a machine function. For example, COM1 is the mnemonic assigned to serial port #1 on a PC. Programming languages are almost entirely mnemonics. ceremonial techniquesof tradition blend with those seemingly more perfect objectifications ofmemory employed by Europeans. The new law of existence would come fromthe process of seeing oneself through the gaze of white men which wasassimilated to the gaze of the underground dead. I believe that thetransfixing colonial gaze of Europeans was displaced and re-objectifiedinto the eye or gaze of the camera, with both western gazes becoming anextension of the more familiar caring gaze of deceased relatives.Elsewhere (Lattas 1998), I have explored how the caring gaze of theancestors was merged with the pastoral gaze of western hegemony so as tocreate another formative field of vision, another generative gen��er��a��tiveadj.1. Having the ability to originate, produce, or procreate.2. Of or relating to the production of offspring.generativepertaining to reproduction. domain ofself-reflection and self-constitution. In the magical cult wo rk ofcameras, the generative power of ancestral kin (creating descendents;providing magic, good health, fertility and game) was displaced intovision and merged with the transformative objectives of colonialism andthe civilisation process. The new future would come from seizing andmaking one's own the powerful formative gaze of foreigners, for theotherness of their white gaze like that of the dead promised toinstitute another future subject living in a remade world. In the form of telephone holes that take photographs, western waysof seeing natives were reobjectified and regrounded in the earth; theywere localised localised - localisation into a landscape that now viewed its inhabitants :This article is about the video game. For Inhabitants of housing, see Residency Inhabitants is an independently developed commercial puzzle game created by S+F Software. DetailsThe game is based loosely on the concepts from SameGame. differently. The camera was used to evoke and bring to the surface thosealternative worlds of doubling offered by the underground and thefuture. These two alternative worlds with their different forms ofemplacement were amalgamated and used to resituate each other along thealternative perspectives of the dead and Europeans. A new technologisedlandscape provided new vantage points for viewing human existence. Thepower of the look to create subjects and social worlds was beingexperimented with in these hybrid forms of vision where holes in theground were telephones and doors that took photos from the vantage pointof the dead and so as to prefigure pre��fig��ure?tr.v. pre��fig��ured, pre��fig��ur��ing, pre��fig��ures1. To suggest, indicate, or represent by an antecedent form or model; presage or foreshadow: a new kind of westernised world.These overlapping and superimposed ways of seeing and knowing involvedlocalising a European discourse that stressed achievin g modernity notonly by way of development work but also via the pedagogic project ofadopting a certain way of seeing the world. The power of the local terrain to create its inhabitants, to knowand speak to them was a traditional part of bush Kaliai culture. Songsand dances gained from temporary stays in the underground or from havingrun into dead relatives and masalai would be sung in traditionalceremonies that the dead would also attend. Local myths tell of howcertain species of sugar cane, bananas, and taro taro:see arum. taroHerbaceous plant (Colocasia esculenta) of the arum family, probably native to Southeast Asia and taken to the Pacific islands. were acquired fromparticular sites associated with the dead and masalai. Some bush Kaliaiclans trace their descent to masalai women who were captured and thenmarried men in the surface world. Masalai and dead ancestors wereassigned the power to protect ownership and access to land by injuringstrangers who spoke languages other than those belonging to a locality.Locals knew the codes of silence and the adjacent languages thatparticular masalai from neighbouring localities required so as torecognise them as one of their 'boys'. Photographs taken attelephone holes reinvent re��in��vent?tr.v. re��in��vent��ed, re��in��vent��ing, re��in��vents1. To make over completely: "She reinvented Indian cooking to fit a Western kitchen and a Western larder"this customary way of being known and formed bythe landscape, and of manipulating its perception of one-self Today, thetraditional gaze of the underground has been transformed by being fusedwith the power of the colonial Other's look to create those whom itinspects. A new formative white gaze is projected and internalised intothe landscape and this gaze is assimilated to that re-positioning andre-objectification of self embodied in photographs. We have theemergence of new ways of doubling subjects through the amalgamatedmirrors of modernity and tradition, through the alternative forms ofemplacement and travel offered by a localised modernity andtechnologised localities. Western ways of seeing and hearing throughphotographs and telephones are blended with traditional beliefs thatascribed to the landscape a presence that could see and hear thosebelonging to the surface world. For cargo cult leaders like Censure, the process of reformingpeople's identity involved regrounding them in a remade landscape.Here I should mention how Censure gave each follower a new name thatbelonged to an underground person who was making their cargo.Censure's son, Posingen, described these new names as a form ofbaptism. He described his father as 'washing' followers in thesame way as the Catholic Church had previously 'washed' orbaptised villagers with its new names. In photographing his followersfrom underground telephone holes, Censure was confirming his cult'snew forms of identification that involved people seeing themselvesdifferently as well as seeing the process of seeing differently. During one of many conversations, Posingen told me how some of thephotographs taken by underground white spirit beings had turned up atgovernment offices in Rabaul. There they were hidden in rooms, whichMelanesians were ordinarily prevented from entering. The revealingcontent of these photos meant that they had to be hidden from the prying pry��ing?adj.Insistently or impertinently curious or inquisitive: ignored the prying journalists' questions.pry eyes of Melanesians. Posingen described to me one photo, which depictedhis father standing up on a stone ridge with certain underground whitespirit beings (Alas, Sen Kilok and Sen Seuve) and together they werephotographed by the Big Man (God). During this photographing, the BigMan transferred his knowledge and power to all of them and in the caseof Censure this took the form of a light that came to Censure'shead. It is like this, father stood up in the middle and Alas stood up toone side and Sen Kilok and Sen Seuve stood up on the other side. He wasthere, at the bridge (stone ridge). In this area they say there is abridge, the Bridge of Balitu. It is the bridge of the Big Man, he camedown Mount Sinai and he stood up there. Father stood up in this area, atthis raunwara (round water, i.e. lake or pool), he was there with his[spirit] children, for they are his kandere [nephews] -- Sen Kilok andSen Seuve. The two of them were standing up there when the Big Man camedown, Alas was also standing there. The Big Man came down this bridge,he came down and he took the photo. He took a photo of them all; justlike when you photographed us all. He photographed them and then he gavethis power to them all, this huge star came to the head of my father andit was truly shining... Father was in the middle and the others were oneither side. He [Big Man] photographed them. Now with this [Big] Man, itis like this, the knowledg e that was in His head shone and came to myfather's head, and the head of my father started to truly shine. In his government report and published articles on Censure'scult, the Catholic priest and anthropologist Father Janssen (1970, 1974)spells Censure's name as Sen Sio, which in Pisin means Saint Sio.In Posingen's above description, the process of Censure becoming asaint involved acquiring God's halo of knowledge through thecamera. The camera did not just simply capture Censure's soul-image(ano) but also transferred to him (and the others) some of the qualitiesof the photographer. Indeed, the cult's term for Censure was Otitwhich was also the cult's term for the God of Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea(păp`ə, –y (Lattas 1998). In effect, the omniscient om��nis��cient?adj.Having total knowledge; knowing everything: an omniscient deity; the omniscient narrator.n.1. One having total knowledge.2. Omniscient God. gaze of God was condensed andtransferred via the camera so that observer and observed becameimplicated im��pli��cate?tr.v. im��pli��cat��ed, im��pli��cat��ing, im��pli��cates1. To involve or connect intimately or incriminatingly: evidence that implicates others in the plot.2. in each other though the process of participating in creatinga common perspectival position. This mediating work of photography wasalso objectified in the terrain that the photo was taken from, which wasa stone ridge that was often said to be a secret bridge. The ridge camedo wn from the mountains where God resided to a lake that containedpeople's future wealth. It is no accident that the photo is takenat this 'bridge' which spans and joins together a number ofdifferent terrains and in doing so can mediate and join together theconceptual spaces belonging to the bush Kaliai and Europeans, the livingand the dead, and the past and the future. When discussing the significance of this cult site, Posingenexplained how at all other cult sites, like at the telephone-doors,underground female Christ were the 'boss'. However, at thelake, which was known as the Glass of God, Alas was in charge and he'bossed' the future 'gold money' of followers.Censure came to this lake to receive information from Alas concerningwhich underground female Christs bossed certain telephone holes andwhere followers should go to perform their next ceremonies. Though theGlass of God was a long way from Meitavale, Posingen described howfollowers would sing the cult's songs of Atwane and Seaneh so as tobe lifted up and sped along in ways likened to the fast plane travel ofWhites: 'With Atwane and Seaneh, it did not matter that an area wasa long way. By mid-day we would be there. With Atwane and Seaneh, itwould lift us up like the plane that you travelled on yesterday.' Whilst discussing the photos taken by the dead at telephone sitesand by God at the bridge of Balitu, Posingen told me about other secretphotos taken from bushes around Meitavale village by an undergroundwhite spirit. He had photographed Monongyo hoisting the cult's flagup and down whilst decorated female followers sang and danced thecult's ceremonies. At the coastal Kaliai village of Atiatu,Censure's family claim to have later been shown these photos by arelative who stole them from a government station in Rabaul where he hadworked for many years. This relative warned Censure's family howthere was a strong taboo on the photos being made public. He explainedthat the photos were proof of the success of Censure's work:'For these photos came up from his [Censure's] strength, fromhis power'. Posingen believes his father was killed by coastalvillagers over these photos. Ex-followers who saw the photos becamejealous that Censure was finally going to win the new law of existencewhilst they remained in poverty. As Posingen put it: These photos came up when the colonial government was boss... Theywere found by a man from Atiatu [village] who was in Rabaul working forthe government; he won many years in government service. His masta tookhim into his office where they had these photos of everyone when theywere gathered together at the raunwara [Glass of God], when all thepeople were gathered around the flag, when all the big men and womenworked at throwing [hoisting] the flag. They were not pictures, theywere photos.... They were of us black people who had gathered in theseareas, around the lake and flag. The photos were of [the places] Balitoand Meitavale. One photo was of this man (Monongyo) who was speakingbefore, he held up the flag, his picture came up. When they [on thecoast] saw this picture their thinking was no good about my father. Theyspoke: "this man will work this law and they will all live good andthen we will have the pain of buying the law from them, why should it belike this." So they went and worked poison [sorcery sorcery:see incantation; magic; spell; witchcraft. SorcerySorrow (See GRIEF.)sorcerer’s apprenticefinds a spell that makes objects do the cleanup work. [Fr. ] and he died.[They thought] "Why should this man work this something so they sitdown good even though all the other people have left [the cult]? Will healone win it and sit down good? And then it will be hard on us".For this reason they finished him [killed Censure]. This is a statement of how divisions, rivalry and jealousy betweenMelanesians produces a murderous but also self-destructive drive thatprevents Melanesians from hanging onto a ritual law which couldsuccessfully merge the perspectives of the dead and of Europeans. Thesinging of followers around flags and lakes was captured secretly by aEuropean camera controlled by the Kaliai underground who in turn lostcontrol of their images to the colonial administration. Followers'attempts to capture a European system of representation in their flagrituals was in turn covertly recaptured by western forms ofrepresentation ultimately controlled by a colonial order that hid thesignificance of local representational practices. Posingen's abovestatement sought to explain and refigure the reasons why whiteadministrators were so hostile to his father's movement that theyjailed some followers twice. Western forms of governmentality arerevealed to be secretly capturing, controlling and hiding the empoweringalternati ve representations of Melanesians, which in turn involvedisplacing and localising western representational forms andinstruments. Ultimately colonial control is shown to be not absolute, for it issubverted by a netif who enters a government office and steals theunderground representations of Melanesians that Europeans monopolise.These stolen back self-images originate from the dead, with Whiteshiding these subversive images of local empowerment because theyprefigure the coming of a new age. These stolen back secrets and truthsbecome entrusted to the world of kin [relatives at Atiatu] where theyform a dangerous economy of meaning that has its own secrets aboutEuropean secrets. Stories of unknown, concealed photos that are sneakily sneak��y?adj. sneak��i��er, sneak��i��estFurtive; surreptitious.sneaki��ly adv. returned and revealed are a way of reflecting on colonialism and race asgrounded in controlling representations, in controlling ways ofcapturing and objectifying people. Resistance becomes those confidentialforms of disclosure that recirculate the suppressed truths held by thisgovernment of representation. It is when the white man's managementand monopoly on the per-spective of the dead is returne d to Melanesiansthat cargo ought to come. Yet, when this empowering perspective isreturned, cargo's arrival continues to be blocked only this timenot by Europeans, but by resentful re��sent��ful?adj.Full of, characterized by, or inclined to feel indignant ill will.re��sentful��ly adv. local villagers. They cannot stand tosee a fellow netif beat white men at their own secrets and they fear theconsequences of their own rejection of these underground truths. Todayit is Melanesians who kill each other over these empowering self-images,they are fatally divided by this alternative underground perspective onthe world. Out of envy and spite, they viciously maintain netif povertyand racial subordination by directing covert black power toward thecovert administrative ends of surface whites. In his discussion with me, Posingen emphasised that it was notsurface Whites but underground relatives who originally took thesesecret pictures. He thought they were probably taken by Censure'sunderground nephews. Posingen described the photos as part of autlo(out-law), that is, an outside law like that belonging to Whites, andany attempt to acquire access to the photos before the right time wouldresult in arrest. This here goes to the autlo; this autlo that the photo came from,it is truly taboo. It is like this, it is the way of you Whites. You saythat the photo is finished [cannot be acknowledged]; that it has its owntime for being seen. If you show it to anyone else [natives] you getgaoled. I have already mentioned how Censure's family became aware ofsecret photos of themselves when visiting relatives at Atiatu village.The man who stole the photos warned them that only when the new law ofexistence 'came up' would everyone have free access to thesepictures. In his discussion, Posingen also associated race relationswith unequal access by Melanesians to representations of themselves, andhe gently included myself the anthropologist in this conspiracy. There was a man who stole them. This man worked for the governmentat Rabaul. He knew about them and he took them, hid them and carriedthem off. He brought them here [to the Kaliai area], he hid them andsaid: "This something has its time for when it will come up. Wewill now hide them, for it would not be good if we had a big court [i.e.hearing, ordeal]." He said: "When the time for something tocome up happens [i.e. when the cult work is successful] then thesephotos will be able to come out into the open. These photos whichsupport youse youse?pron. Chiefly Northern U.S.You. Used in addressing two or more people or referring to two or more people, one of whom is addressed. See Notes at you-all, you-uns. , you must really hide [not mention] them, you cannot showthem to anyone else." These kinds of photos are in all the offices, at Rabaul, and whereyou live [Australia] and in America. When you [Andrew Lattas] go thereyou can see them, you know about this. The world of racial inequality is condensed into different ways oflooking at the world where the camera becomes an objectification of thealternative viewpoint of Whites, which in its otherness is analogous tothe alternative view point of the dead, God and secrets. The transfer ofknowledge and power will occur when Melanesians can see themselvesdifferently, from the vantage point of underground positions that theystruggle to recapture from white control. The world of racial inequalitytakes the form of a world of appropriated self-images -- clandestinephotos locked up in government offices at Rabaul, Australia and America.There, Whites can see Melanesians in ways in which Melanesians cannotcurrently see themselves. Resistance here becomes those secret practicesthat claim back these alienated representations. Utopia becomes thatmoment in time when the living achieve free access to secret portraitsof themselves alienated from their own terrain. It is a secret picturingof the world possessed by the d ead, white masalai and a black God thatWhites in the surface world have pocketed. These white men hide thealternative forms of emplacement offered by a local landscape that isre-imagined through the field of vision offered by modernity and thewhite man's gaze. There is something profound in figuring a world of inequality asgrounded in stolen photos, in the unequal access of people to ways ofpicturing themselves. The alienating gaze of colonialism isreobjectified and resisted in these narratives of a cult leader who isempowered at a 'bridge' by the transfer of light inphotography. The depowerment of race is figured as people's removalfrom the forms of self-possession and empowerment offered by photos thatlocalise and remake the alienating gaze of modernity, white men andtheir god. The photos that come from autlo embody a new law ofrepresentaion which crosses together the perspective of the undergroundand of Europeans. In doing so these photos simultaneously localise thegaze of Europeans whilst modernising the gaze of the dead. TELEPHONING THE DEAD Censure's special cult sites, like his telephone holes and theGlass of God did in the past have traditional significance. Indeed,people's grandparents often avoided them because they were regardedas dangerous masalai sites. By naming the specific underground'boss' of each masalai site, Censure claimed to have pacifiedtheir boss and to have overcome his followers' fears of what was inthe ground. Followers were re-educated that masalai sites were reallydoors and telephones. Censure would go there to ring the underground. Hewould hold telephone conversations that tried to unearth whatevergrievances the dead might have against the living (Lattas 1998). Oftenthe dead would own up to holding back the cargo and they would demandcompensation from the surface world for having abruptly ended theirlives through a traditional culture of warfare, sorcery or widowkilling. Telephone sites gave new forms of significance to thelandscape: they created a new imaginary geography, which repositionedboth followers a nd the white man's critique of tradition. Thesesites provided new vantage points for conversing with a past that hadformed followers and now promised to reform them. The white man'smoral critique of custom was internalised, displaced and reobjectifiedas the angry voices of dead relatives who demanded apologies andcompensation with pigs and shell money. Many of Censure'sdiscussions with the dead were about convincing them that the livingwere now very different from those above ground ancestors who hadpreviously perpetrated crimes against those who now lived underground.These telephone holes helped to create a new reflexive (theory) reflexive - A relation R is reflexive if, for all x, x R x.Equivalence relations, pre-orders, partial orders and total orders are all reflexive. gaze whereby theKaliai denounced the past culture of their grandparents for itsignorance and immorality IMMORALITY. that which is contra bonos mores. In England, it is not punishable in some cases, at the common law, on, account of the ecclesiastical jurisdictions: e. g. adultery. But except in cases belonging to the ecclesiastical courts, the court of king's bench is the custom morum, and . Through these phone calls, villagersrenegotiated their relationship to the traditional culture of theirgrandparents in ways that declared them to be new sorts of moralsubjects. One underground group that wanted an explanation for the death werewidows who had their necks ceremonially broken when their husbands died.Censure would assure these women that the living today considered theirgrandfathers longlong [ignorant, insance] for having murdered them andthat today the new line of men considered women valuable for they werethe ones who cooked food, worked hard and carried children: 'They[grandparents] were slightly longlong and they worked all these sort ofthings, but now when it comes to this time of ours, we do not work this,for we are all clear. We are not enough to go bugger up bugger upVerbSlang to spoil or ruin (something) all you women.You women are all people for cooking food, whatever food is about youwork it and we men eat. Your talk is true, it is true, we men aresomething nothing, but you women are something true.' Censure wastrying to produce a new domesticated form of masculinity that waspredicated on a new found respect for woman's reproductive andnurturing powers. He saw himself as producing a new nat ional citizenfor Papua New Guinea who would recognise and take responsibility for theimmorality of men's past relationships to women.. Sometimes theunderground women would not be appeased by Censure's explanationand close female relatives would come forward to the telephone tosupport Censure by speaking with the underground women. As Theresa,Censure's daughter-in-law, put it: 'Now, supposing they[murdered women] were kicking Otit too much, then we would go and standup next to Otit and we would make die [stop] this court.' Another of Censure's telphone conversations was with Katu, aman who had been speared. Katu was angry about the way he had died andCensure tried to calm him by letting him tell his story. After Katu hadspoken for a while, Censure tried to turn the tables on Katu and on thegrievances of the dead in general. Censure questioned the right of theunderground dead to always hold the living accountable for above-groundcrimes. He pointed an accusing finger at the underground, saying thatthey had in fact committed these wrongs for which they now wanted theliving to compensate them. Posingen gave me this account of hisfather's dialogue with Katu. Father spoke: "Ask yourselves, not me. We, this new line, donot know about this kind of thing [killing people]. This line [thatkilled] belonged to all of you. Youse alone buggered up people and wentaround killing yourselves, youse alone. The reason for this is that youdid not have enough food." [Katu asks]: "What, why did we nothave food?". [Censure replies]: "You did not have food becauseof you, yourselves. For youse alone chased away the Big Man [God]. Heran away and punished you all. This punishment of yours is not havingenough food and eating all sorts of bitter fruits and yams. This [wrongand punishment] did not occur with us. We of this time are notpig-headed, we stop good, plant our food and eat. But before when youall did not have food, it was to do with youse, it was yourpunishment." He [Censure] worked this and Katu then said "Ithink it is our fault". Here Censure tries to convince the dead of their own participationin sin. Censure's performance and conversations at histelephone-doors were witnessed by his followers and through him theywere conversing out aloud with the very tradition which helped formtheir thoughts and identity. I see these dramatic telephoneconversations as objectified re-enactments of an interior process ofmoral revaluation RevaluationA calculated adjustment to a country's official exchange rate relative to a chosen baseline. The baseline can be anything from wage rates to the price of gold to a foreign currency. In a fixed exchange rate regime, only a decision by a country's government (i.e. , where people play out on a stage an interior dramagoing on within themselves. In this scenario, Censure convinces the deadof their guilt and their need to reform themselves. Here theChristianised and pacified Kaliai self speaks back to its origins,trying to convince those underground voices of the past inside itselfabout the right ways to view its living identity. All human beings havemultiple identities and multiple voices inside themselves through whichthey carry on a dialogue which establishes who they are. Thepsychological condition underlying what psychologists sometimes see asmultiple personali ty disorder emerges out of the normal condition forliving as a human being. The underground that was morally re-worked byCensure involved a dialogue of self-alienation where people struggled tolive with underground voices that had rejected them; an underground pastwhich the living also had difficulty accepting. These subterraneanvoices tormented people with a memory of immorality that had to beappeased. People struggled to renegotiate re��ne��go��ti��ate?tr.v. re��ne��go��ti��at��ed, re��ne��go��ti��at��ing, re��ne��go��ti��ates1. To negotiate anew.2. To revise the terms of (a contract) so as to limit or regain excess profits gained by the contractor. the voices of their heritageand utopia was identified with that moment when people would be able tolive untormented by the underground voices that their cult had broughtto the surface. The telephone is that medium of European culture which sustains anew reflexive gaze that articulates a moral re-evaluation of customarypractices. Via the telephone, a new ethical conscience comes to beformed inside the self. The telephone objectifies the internalisedvoices of dead kinsmen and of a morally problematised tradition whichMelanesians now carry inside themselves since the coming of Europeans.When explaining the significance of European telephones to me, Posingendescribed them as something that allowed you to talk with those who wereinvisible. At his telephone holes, Censure spoke a new language which hecalled English and which he received from certain underground womenknown as the Wind of God (Lattas 1998: 176). Some of Censure'stelephone holes were located above underground streams and the noisesmade by subterranean water was interpreted as underground engines andworkshops. Conversations with concealed beings, like masalai and thedead, had always been a feature of traditional bush K aliai culture;what was different about the cargo cults was that these conversationswith an invisible presence were racialised and rendered into vehiclesfor mediating all that which was removed and kept at a distance fromMelanesians. There is a politico-poetic logic in cargo cultappropriations and miming of European technology, for it is here partlya question of what within European culture is good to think with interms of tying together the traditional problem of the distant dead withthe new problem of removed foreign lifestyles belonging to strangersfrom distant lands. Indeed, many bush Kaliai see the removal of the deadfrom the living as a recent phenomenon that has increased with thecoming of the church (Lattas 1998: 110-13). Villagers claim that theyused to run continuously into the dead in their gardens and the bush butthat now no longer see them. In cults, the techniques which Whites useto bridge distance are localised so as to overcome the new distances andcleavages from the dead that th e white man's presence is imaginedto have instituted. Just as Europeans use telephones to speak withpeople from whom they are separated, so Censure used his telephones tomake audible the increasingly distant voices of the dead who wereenjoying and could bring about the white man's life style. These struggles to create one's own telephones are strugglesto create new avenues for opening up those concealed, secret presenceswhich make all existence possible; those absences which give theworld's presence its structure. The struggle over meaning, and forowning the grounds of self-identity, are always partly struggles for theownership of imaginary geographies and their horizon of possibilities.To recreate identity and its historical possibilities involvesrecreating the terrains of alterity Al`ter´i`tyn. 1. The state or quality of being other; a being otherwise.For outness is but the feeling of otherness (alterity) rendered intuitive, or alterityvisually represented. that people use to place the presentand themselves. For example, when Censure's followers discovered apiece of iron in the ground, Censure claimed it was a bridge toQueensland in Australia. This was his means of bringing the outsideworlds of the dead and of Europeans into the Kaliai area so as torefigure people's sense of home, place, the past and the future.Via this subterranean railway, the world of modernity would be joined tothat of the Kaliai so as to remediate people's relationships witheach other through their new shared relationship to outside worlds. Justas dreams were traditionally used to mediate people's relationshipswith each other through the dead, so technology was used in a similarway to remediate relationships through new common dealings with thatwhich was removed from them - cargo, Brisbane, America, the whiteman's lifestyle, the past and the future. The camera, binoculars,the wireless, and telephone were used to establish new relationshipsbetween followers by establishing shared relationships to an alteritythat was conceived as a lost origin, a problematised past and a futurepossibility. CONCLUSION In his analysis of capitalism and technology, Marx discusses howpeople are created through their products. It is this constitutiveremaking force of objects that is experimented with in cargo cults wherethe identity of groups and their structures of leadership come fromcontrolling the technology that leads to and from the dead. Here westerntechnology is not part of the progressive eroding away of the mediatingconstitutive force of death in sociality but rather technology reinventsthe mediating and constituting role of the dead, adding its forms ofmediation to that of the dead. Here western objects start to take on alife of their own and not only in the sense that these objects acquirenew biographies, which consist of the history of their meaning differentthings in different contexts (Appadurai 1986, Thomas 1991). Ratherwestern objects take on a life of their own in the sense that thealternative media of representation offered by technology becomeassimilated to the alternative domain of the dead. Technology allowsgroups and individuals to realise themselves differently by remediatingtheir relationships back to themselves via a reconstituted moderniseddeath space. The conditions for the objectification of subjects arechanged as death changes its medium of existence. Here Marx'sdiscussion of the social relations embodied in objects must also includesocial relations with the dead for these are also re-constituted aspeople enter new imaginary relationships with the dead as part of theprocess of entering into new imaginary relations with objects andthemselves. The space of death which inhabits technology brings theworld of western culture back to cult followers in particular ways whichredefine and reposition subjects by changing the space of theirthoughts, and how those thoughts are positioned in terms of those unseenworlds that underpin them. A great deal of philosophical work has been done by Bachelard andSerres on how the materiality MATERIALITY. That which is important; that which is not merely of form but of substance. 2. When a bill for discovery has been filed, for example, the defendant must answer every material fact which is charged in the bill, and the test in these cases seems to of certain objects shapes our thoughts bygiving form, direction and movement to them. Likewise, Levi-Strauss(1973) also talks about how certain objects are good to think with. Itis through objects that we develop as subjects. Objects do not justimpinge im��pinge?v. im��pinged, im��ping��ing, im��ping��esv.intr.1. To collide or strike: Sound waves impinge on the eardrum.2. upon and constrain us, but they also compromise us in moreradical ways - for they create us as much as we create them. In herphenomenological analysis of Aboriginal culture, Nancy Munn (1971)explored this process as the objectification of subjects and thesubjectification of objects; here subjects are internalised into objectsand objects are internalised into subjects. In the compromised world ofmodernity, new objects emerge to carry thought and subjects away indifferent directions, allowing individuals and communities to becomesomething other than themselves. A concern with movement, change, metamorphosis and transformationis not just specific to modernity and processes of colonial contact, butwas also an aspect of traditional Melanesian culture. Indeed, for allcultures, it is the unstable ambiguous world of the outside and theunseen that makes meaning, identity and history possible; it defines andindividuates subjects and communities through conferring upon themdistinctive biographies and trajectories of meaning. Colonialism andmodernity bring new social divisions, forms of outsideness andhiddenness that provide new vehicles of the imagination for carryingthought, subjects and communities beyond the confines of a present thatis experienced as oppressive. Traditional culture was never staticthough nowadays it may be denounced and unfairly characterised as suchby those embracing the white man's projects and visions of change.Indeed many Kaliai cult followers express a nostalgic desire for theirgrandparents' magical powers of change and travel. Many e quatetheir current racial depowerment with having lost access to the realm ofthe unseen that their grandparents often saw and visited. Currently, thebush Kaliai are experimenting with modernity's new materialpossibilities for representing, seeing and accessing that which isdistant. The desire for movement, change and becoming is the problem ofhow to bring the outside into the inside and the inside into theoutside. This topographical problem is the domain of a spatial politics Spatial politics refers to the use of spatial terms to simplify and dramatise political differences and actions.Thus left-wing politics oppose right-wing politics - after the seating habits on the left and right sides of French assemblies in the late 18th century. that strives to upset the boundaries and horizon of race relations byredisclosing them anew. Cargo cults are attempts to redraw race relations' horizon ofpossibilities and this is partly a narrative re-rendering of the worldwhich is why all Kaliai cargo cults called themselves a stori (story,Lattas 1998). Politics took the form of subversive stories, endlesscreative experiments in narrative, and this is because the time of anarrative requires space - the crossing of cleavages, distances,removals and exclusions. 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