The role of Rapa Nui (Easter Island) statuary as territorial boundary markers.

The role of Rapa Nui (Easter Island) statuary as territorial boundary markers. Introduction Polynesia's easternmost landmass land��mass?n.A large unbroken area of land.landmassNouna large continuous area of landlandmass? , Rapa Nui (Easter Island Easter Island,Span. Isla de Pascua, Polynesian Rapa Nui, remote island (1992 pop. 2,770), 66 sq mi (171 sq km), in the South Pacific, c.2,200 mi (3,540 km) W of Chile, to which it belongs. ),has attracted archaeological interest for more than a century. Althoughterritoriality TerritorialityBehavior patterns in which an animal actively defends a space or some other resource. One major advantage of territoriality is that it gives the territory holder exclusive access to the defended resource, which is generally associated with and monumental statuary stat��u��ar��y?n. pl. stat��u��ar��ies1. Statues considered as a group.2. The art of making statues.3. A sculptor.adj.Of, relating to, or suitable for a statue. have been addressed extensivelyin the past, spatial analysis (Data West Research Agency definition: see GIS glossary.) Analytical techniques to determine the spatial distribution of a variable, the relationship between the spatial distribution of variables, and the association of the variables of an area. of a new survey of 702 moai (statues) onthe island offers a new insight into a possible role the statues mayhave played in the island's prehistory prehistory,period of human evolution before writing was invented and records kept. The term was coined by Daniel Wilson in 1851. It is followed by protohistory, the period for which we have some records but must still rely largely on archaeological evidence to . Previous researchinterpreted the statues' significance largely through the contextof ceremonial centres including ahu (platforms) upon which some statuesonce stood. In contrast, the analysis presented here is based primarilyon the spatial locations of the statues. Recently, Stevenson (2002) has suggested the potential role of ahuin marking territorial boundaries. Stevenson's territorialdivisions were derived from statistical analyses of formal variabilityin ahu design and preconceived notions about territorial divisions inPolynesian islands. In contrast, the analysis presented here identifiesa strong correlation between an inland subgroup of the surveyed statuesand territorial boundaries already established historically byethnologist eth��nol��o��gy?n.1. The science that analyzes and compares human cultures, as in social structure, language, religion, and technology; cultural anthropology.2. Katherine Routledge Katherine Maria Routledge, n��e Pease (1866-1935) was a British archaeologist who initiated (but did not complete) the first true survey of Easter Island.She was the second child of Kate and Gurney Pease, and was born into a wealthy Quaker family in Darlington, northern ninety years ago. While imprecision inRoutledge's work renders rigorous statistical testing difficult,the correlations observed oblige us to consider their implications infuture research. The statues: interpretation and classification Extensive archaeological investigation has made the moai of RapaNui one of the most recognisable collections of artefacts throughout theworld. Fieldwork regarding the statues began more than a century ago,and is still underway. Descriptive studies have attempted to thoroughlydocument the statues on the island and those in overseas museums (e.g.Englert n.d.; Routledge 1919; Sepulveda et al. 1991; Thompson 1891; VanTilburg 1986). Accumulated data suggest that more than 1000 statues wereconstructed in prehistory (Liller 1993). Some statues, particularly those located along the coast, wereerected upon ahu until early historic times. Subsequently, however, allstatues that were once upon ahu have fallen. Evidence remains unclear asto whether the statues were purposefully toppled by islanders amidstsocial upheaval or if they fell due to natural causes such asearthquakes (see Edwards et al. 1996). The vast majority of all statues(96 per cent) were carved from the tufa slopes of the Rano Raraku Main article: Rapa Nui National Park Main article: Moai Rano Raraku is a volcanic crater formed of consolidated volcanic ash, or tuff, and located on the lower slopes of Terevaka in the Rapa Nui National volcanic crater in the southeastern part of the island (Figure 1).However, a small number of basalt basalt(bəsôlt`, băs`ôlt), fine-grained rock of volcanic origin, dark gray, dark green, brown, reddish, or black in color. Basalt is an igneous rock, i.e., one that has congealed from a molten state. , scoria scoria:see pumice. scoriaHeavy, dark, glassy igneous rock that contains many bubblelike cavities. Foamlike scoria, in which the bubbles are very thin shells of solidified basaltic magma, occurs as a product of explosive eruptions (as on Hawaii) and trachyte trachyteLight-coloured, very fine-grained igneous rock composed chiefly of alkali feldspar with only minor mafic minerals (biotite, hornblende, or pyroxene). Trachyte is commonly found in volcanic regions; like many volcanic rocks, it shows a streaked or banded structure statues were alsofashioned outside of the Rano Raraku quarry. [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Based on the most extensive research ever completed on the statues,Routledge (1919) and Van Tilburg (1986, 1994) have focused on variousaesthetic styles in the moai. Their field research has produced noshortage of interpretations regarding the megaliths. Perhaps mostabundant are interpretations of the moai in terms of symbolic andcosmological significance (e.g. Bahn 1993; Raphael 1988; Van Tilburg1986, 1994). Some studies have identified a phallic phallic/phal��lic/ (-ik) pertaining to or resembling a phallus. phal��licadj.1. Of, relating to, or resembling a phallus.2. appearance in themoai (Raphael 1988; Van Tilburg 1994), and Van Tilburg has associatedthis sexual imagery with the concept of fertility. Upon consideration of ideological values in the island'sprehistory, Van Tilburg (1994) has suggested that the moai played animportant role protruding directly upwards from the earth to thesky--connecting the living world with the spiritual world. On a moremundane level, Bahn (1993: 84) and others have suggested that the rateof moai construction escalated over time with kin groups 'trying tooutdo their neighbours in the scale and grandeur of their religiouscenters and ancestor figures', as a possible indication of relativecompetitive ability. Sahlins (1955) proposed an intriguing adaptationalist hypothesisfor the abundance of moai on Rapa Nui, and recently archaeologists havebegun to suggest evolutionary explanations for the persistence andvariability of the moai in Rapa Nui prehistory (e.g. Graves &Ladefoged 1995; Graves & Sweeney 1993; Hunt & Lipo 2002;Shepardson 2002), adding yet another perspective in the interpretationof Papa Nui statuary. However, an overwhelming concentration on the prehistoricceremonial role of statues has led to a distinction between thosestatues that still reside in the quarry, none of which are associatedwith ceremonial ahu sites, and those statues that reside near the coast,of which more than 90 per cent are associated with ceremonial ahu sites.Those statues that are neither at the quarry nor on the coast aretreated as a default category and termed 'isolated statues'(Routledge 1919), 'intermediate' or 'in transport'(Van Tilburg 1986). 'Intermediate' statues, as a result, have assumed a lowpriority in archaeological investigation of the moai. And unfortunately,the role or significance of these 'intermediate' statues inprehistoric times seems to fade as a result of our terminology andinterests. Whether these 'intermediate' statues were intransport or in more permanent locations is a question that cannot beeasily answered through archaeological inquiry. However, analysingstatues in the context of the island's natural geography (i.e.quarry source, coastline and island interior) rather than ahu revealsconspicuous correlations that imply one role that'intermediate' statues may have played for some time in RapaNui prehistory. Ethnohistoric territorial boundaries on Rapa Nui Studies suggesting that the locations of ahu and their associatedmoai are in some manner related to prehistoric territorial divisions onthe island are most relevant to the spatial analysis described in thisarticle. Stevenson (2002) proposes that ahu of a particular style definethe coastal centre of each territory. Stevenson relied on clusteranalyses of various ahu to distinguish formal architectural attributesthat characterised a particular subset of coastal ceremonial orpolitical centres. Territorial divisions were then drawn mid-distancebetween these primary ahu locations. Stevenson further drew an arbitraryterritorial boundary to divide the northern half of the island from thesouthern half. Ultimately, the territories determined by Stevenson arereminiscent of the territorial divisions proposed years before by Kirch(1984). Kirch had previously suggested that ahu hosting moai marked thecoastal boundaries, rather than centres, of territories. BothStevenson's and Kirch's territorial studies infer, partly fromanalogy, that the island's districts were divided radially from thecentre, as has commonly been found to be the case in other Polynesianislands. Alternatively, there exists direct evidence for a very differentterritorial scheme than the radial divisions Kirch and Stevensonsuggested. In 1919, Routledge published a map of social boundaries ofRapa Nui (see Figure 1). Routledge indicated that family relationshipsdivided the island into Ko Tu'u (west) and Hotu Iti (east), butfurther divisions reflected various lineages deriving from the sons oflegendary founder Hotu Matua. Mapped boundaries published by Routledge (Figure 1) were not, toher knowledge (or maybe even to the islanders' knowledge at thetime of her research), strictly defined and therefore may have beenapproximations. Furthermore, she noted that at the time of her stay onRapa Nui, the islanders were free to move about, live in and even marrybetween any territories. Recently, Stevenson (2002) questioned thesignificance of the territorial divisions recorded by Routledgealtogether. Stevenson concluded that if the territories documented byRoutledge ever served a meaningful role, it was in late historic times. A new survey Over a span of seven months (February to August of 2003) data on702 moai were collected and compiled by the author to create a GISdatabase. This paper reports a spatial analysis of a subset of thesemoai. Statues are considered in terms of spatial variability Spatial variability is characterized by different values for an observed attribute or property that are measured at different geographic locations in an area. The geographic locations are recorded using GPS (global positioning systems) while the attribute's spatial variability is , ratherthan their association or lack of association with ceremonial ahu sites. Reconnaissance and survey included more than sixty days, hikingmore than 500km, and documenting statue locations with a handheld GPS Handheld GPS use GPS Signal from a minimum of 3 overhead satellites to obtain a fix which is usually accurate to within 30m. Actual accuracy can be achieved down to 5m but due to US Military intervention accuracy is restricted.Popular brands include Garmin, Magellan Navigation. unit. Accuracy is within 6m at all locations except in the immediatevicinity of Rano Raraku where topography interfered with satellitesignals, broadening the radius of error to as much as 20m. Additionally,the author collected digital photographs, measurements of more thantwenty formal features of each statue, and a description of eachstatue's resting position and longitudinal orientation. Of all statues recorded, more than 95 per cent were located eitherthrough extant documentation (Cristino et al. 1981; Englert n.d.;Routledge 1919; Sepulveda et al. 1991; Van Tilburg 1986) or by localinformants and landowners across the island. Satellite imagery Satellite imagery consists of photographs of Earth or other planets made from artificial satellites. HistoryThe first satellite photographs of Earth were made August 14, 1959 by the US satellite Explorer 6. providedby Carl Lipo of California State University Enrollment , Long Beach provided a smallnumber of additional statue locations. And finally, the author surveyedseveral routes which had no prior documentation of statue locations orindications of statues from satellite imagery. These routes, withoutfail, ended in long days of hiking without any statue encounters. No survey of prehistorically constructed statues can be completedue to exportation of statues, erosion, buried statues, broken statuesand statues that now reside as personal property on the island. However,a data set of 702 statues deserves analysis. As in any sampling process,the approach in data collection described here may have introduced somebias, but the research also allows for verification through additionalfieldwork in the future. Analysis Previous studies have tended to dichotomise Verb 1. dichotomise - divide into two opposing groups or kindsdichotomizeclass, classify, sort out, assort, sort, separate - arrange or order by classes or categories; "How would you classify these pottery shards--are they prehistoric?" spatial variability ofthe statues--i.e. quarry/ non-quarry and ahu/non-ahu--and have focusedexplicitly on those at quarry sites and those associated with coastalahu sites (see Table 1 and Figure 2). Quarry statues include those inthe Rano Raraku zone and those in the region labelled 'ScoriaQuarry' in Figure 2. The Rano Raraku quarry zone designated byCristino eta/. (1981) (see Figure 1) is expanded here based on the firstmajor spatial break (a 700-m gap) between statues near the quarry andtheir nearest neighbouring inland statues--including an additionaltwenty-six quarry statues (compare Figures 1 and 2). Seven hundredmetres is an arbitrary figure and can be altered without impacting thespatial analysis. [FIGURE 2 OMITTED] Classifying the surveyed statues using spatial parameters ratherthan the ahu context allows us to concentrate directly on an importantsubset of statues without assuming they were intended for ahu. Using ameasure of 200m or more from the sea to define inland regions, we findthat 89 of the maai fall in the inland region of the island and stilloutside the designated quarry zones (see Figure 2). Though the majorityof these statues have been labelled 'in transport',Routledge's work along with the more recent field research of theauthor, noted the presence of a large number of cobble- to boulder-sizedstones residing behind and beneath many of the inland statues. Thesestones may have been used to erect the statues or to provide a levelpaving on which the statues stood. Routledge also noted erosion patternsfrom rainfall on several inland statues that suggested they had been ina standing position for an extended period of time. These details lendsupport to the notion that many inland statues were not abandoned butrather erected at positions between the quarry and coastal settlements. Taking into consideration only the 89 inland statues, lines weredrawn from one statue to another (in most cases to the nearest inlandstatue) to derive Figure 3. All lines terminated at the nearest moairesiding at coastal ahu locations. The results of this process arestriking. Comparing Figure 1 with Figure 3, there is an apparentcorrespondence of many of the inland moai with the ethnohistoricterritorial divisions drawn by Routledge. The spatial analysis suggeststhat at least some of the inland moai are correlated with thoseterritorial boundaries. Almost all of the remaining inland statues notaccounted for by Routledge's territorial boundaries (including somestatues within the extended quarry region in Figure 2) coincide nicelywith those features she determined to be moai transport routes (seeFigure 4). [FIGURE 3 OMITTED] A number of observations follow from this analysis. First,referring to Figure 3, sites marked by a star are inland ahu sites withmultiple statues. The convergence of more than two territorialboundaries is marked by an inland ahu with multiple statues in three outof five cases. Second, there are still some inland statues, particularlythose on the Poike Peninsula, that appear to be unrelated to theterritorial divisions or transport routes. These statues remainunaccounted for An inclusive term (not a casualty status) applicable to personnel whose person or remains are not recovered or otherwise accounted for following hostile action. Commonly used when referring to personnel who are killed in action and whose bodies are not recovered. . Third, the easternmost territorial division Noun 1. territorial division - a district defined for administrative purposesadministrative district, administrative divisionborough - one of the administrative divisions of a large citycanton - a small administrative division of a country marked byRoutledge in Figure 1 is not supported by the presence of any inlandmoai. In this case, and along other stretches of territorial boundarieswhere large gaps occur, Routledge's territorial boundaries may helpto determine where to search for more inland statues. And finally, thepresence of territorial markers between coastal territories and the'unclaimed' central territory raises some concern. Perhaps,unbeknownst to Routledge or her informants, this territory at one timewas claimed, or served as a region of communal resources. Significance The correlation between inland statue locations and recorded socialboundaries is evident. Stevenson (2002) suggests that Routledge'sdivisions applied to a post-European-contact geopolitical ge��o��pol��i��tics?n. (used with a sing. verb)1. The study of the relationship among politics and geography, demography, and economics, especially with respect to the foreign policy of a nation.2. a. order. Priorto European contact and beginning at some point in the sixteenthcentury, Stevenson proposes territories based on ahupua'a(traditional Hawaiian territories based on radial divisions of anisland). To salvage Stevenson's hypothesis as well asRoutledge's, there are at least four possibilities. First,ethnohistoric boundaries may have been contrived upon the locations ofstatues positioned centuries beforehand. Second, statues were moved intoplace after Stevenson's sixteenth century ahupua'a scheme toform the territories recorded by Routledge. Third, Stevenson'sscheme of territorial divisions needs reconsideration, at least in itstemporal placement. Or, fourth, and perhaps still in line with existingarchaeological data and theory: Routledge's ethnohistoric divisionspertained to a geopolitical system prior to Stevenson's proposedsixteenth-century scheme. Evaluating the hypothesis that Routledge's clan divisions camebefore rather than after Stevenson's scheme requires furtherresearch, especially in terms of statue chronology. However, thehypothesis is at least plausible. Deforestation deforestationProcess of clearing forests. Rates of deforestation are particularly high in the tropics, where the poor quality of the soil has led to the practice of routine clear-cutting to make new soil available for agricultural use. of the island prior tothe sixteenth century (see Flenley 1993) would probably have eliminatedextensive transport of statues following the collapse ofStevenson's ahupua'a scheme. Thus, statues associated with orperhaps marking Routledge's ethnohistoric divisions were likely inplace prior to the sixteenth century ahupua'a scheme. Presumably pre��sum��a��ble?adj.That can be presumed or taken for granted; reasonable as a supposition: presumable causes of the disaster. , deforestation was accompanied by a significantreduction in oceanic fishing as lumber for seaworthy sea��wor��thy?adj. sea��wor��thi��er, sea��wor��thi��estFit to traverse the seas: a seaworthy freighter; a seaworthy crew. canoes would havebecome scarce or altogether unavailable. Following Boone's (1992)evolutionary ecological approach, an ahupua'a scheme may haveprovided the diversity of resources required once islanders were limitedto exploitation of coastal and terrestrial resources. Such territoriesmay have been de facto [Latin, In fact.] In fact, in deed, actually.This phrase is used to characterize an officer, a government, a past action, or a state of affairs that must be accepted for all practical purposes, but is illegal or illegitimate. or formally delimited by ahu as Stevensonsuggests. From that point forward, Routledge's clan divisions mayhave become a remnant of the islanders' past, known vaguely, butnot adhered to formally. Also, if the clan divisions recorded byRoutledge were of some relation to the family of the original settlersof the island, it would be reasonable that this geopolitical schemedeveloped relatively early in the historic sequence rather than morethan half a millennium after settlement. Rapa Nui's prehistoric geopolitical structure, at this point,is open to different interpretations. Territorial boundaries may havedeveloped either early or late in prehistory and may have been ephemeraland dynamic, or lasting and static. Either way, the patterns emergingfrom a spatial analysis of inland statues demonstrate a strongcorrelation between statue location and territorial boundary placement,obliging us to pursue research on territoriality in prehistoric RapaNui. And while Stevenson has gone so far as to question the significanceof Routledge's ethnohistoric boundaries, their correlation withstatues suggests at least some degree of formality and importance. Conclusion Rapa Nui statuary and its role(s) in a prehistoric context havebeen topics of continued interest for more than a hundred years. As faras Routledge advanced in her research, she did not propose the directrelationship between inland statues and her territorial divisionsexposed here. The statue survey and spatial analysis discussed hereserve to both substantiate and extend research conducted by Routledgenearly a century ago. While the spatial analysis presented here does not account for allstatues on the island, the evidence strongly suggests a directassociation between territorial boundaries and various inland moai.Research in progress by Lipo and Hunt (this volume) may provide relevantinformation on moai roads. And despite the ongoing efforts to thoroughlydocument the megaliths of Rapa Nui, surely more will appear in thefuture that may or may not fall in line with Routledge'sboundaries. Regardless, it is important that on an isolated anddiminutive island that has seen more than a century of investigation, wecontinue to explore new avenues of archaeological research. The analysispresented here is based on spatial distribution of statues, independentof ahu, and follows a landscape approach proposed for Pacific islandresearch by Ladefoged and Graves (2002). The author's research inprogress includes chronological analyses of the 702 surveyed statuesthat may shed more light on the correlation between statues andterritorial boundaries. In turn, the study of Rapa Nui territorialitymay provide insights for the study of territoriality elsewhere inPolynesia as well. [FIGURE 4 OMITTED] Acknowledgements This research was made possible by support from the NationalScience Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship Program, the MuseoAntropologico Padre Sebastian Englert, Francisco Torres Hochstetter,Veronica Vergara Salvatierra, Claudia Penafiel and Rogelio Paoa Montero mon��te��ro?n. pl. mon��te��rosA hunter's cap with side flaps.[Spanish, hunter, from monte, mountain, from Latin m .For comments on the first draft, I thank Ethan E. Cochrane and Terry L.Hunt. For his patience, valued advising and comments on several earlierdrafts, I thank Michael W. Graves. And for unconditional encouragementin my research, I thank my parents Fred and Julia. 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Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Departmentof Anthropology, University of California The University of California has a combined student body of more than 191,000 students, over 1,340,000 living alumni, and a combined systemwide and campus endowment of just over $7.3 billion (8th largest in the United States). . --1994. Easter Island: archaeology, ecology, and culture.Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press.Table 1. Statues surveyed (702 total). Quarry statuesdefined spatially in Figure 2. Coastal and Inlandrefer to statues outside of quarry zones Quarry Coastal InlandAhu present 0 207 47Ahu not present 391 15 42 Britton L. Shepardson Department of Anthropology, University ofHawai'i at Manoa, 346 Saunders Hall, 2424 Maile Way, Honolulu, HI96822, USA (Email: bleif@hawaii.edu) Received: 16 March 2004; Accepted: 18 May 2004; Revised: 8 June2004