The population of ancient Rome.

The population of ancient Rome. What was the population of imperial Rome? City blocks in Pompeii andOstia Ostia(ŏs`tēə), ancient city of Italy, at the mouth of the Tiber. It was founded (4th cent. B.C.) as a protection for Rome, then developed (from the 1st cent. B.C.) as a Roman port, rivaling Puteoli. are sufficiently well explored that a fair estimate of populationdensity can now be arrived at. That peoples the city of ancient Rome Ancient Rome was a civilization that grew from a small agricultural community founded on the Italian Peninsula circa the 9th century BC to a massive empire straddling the Mediterranean Sea. with roughly 450,000 inhabitants, within the known population anddensity range of pre-industrial and modern urban centres.IntroductionWhat was the population of ancient Rome? Many have believed therewere as many as one million inhabitants - the figure in recent standardaccounts (Brunt 1971: 376-88; Hopkins 1978: 96-8; Hodges &Whitehouse 1983: 4852; Stambaugh 1988: 90; Bairoch 1989: 259; Robinson1992: 8) and commensurate with the city's grandeur as capital of agreat empire [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED]. But one millioninhabitants in the 13.86 sq. km of the ancient city (Homo 1951: 98-9) isthe astonishingly a��ston��ish?tr.v. as��ton��ished, as��ton��ish��ing, as��ton��ish��esTo fill with sudden wonder or amazement. See Synonyms at surprise. high density of 72,150 persons per sq. km, roughlyequal to the density of sections of modern Hong Kong Hong Kong(hŏng kŏng), Mandarin Xianggang, special administrative region of China, formerly a British crown colony (2005 est. pop. 6,899,000), land area 422 sq mi (1,092 sq km), adjacent to Guangdong prov. (Hong Kong Censusand Statistics Department 1971).(1)A population estimate can be made by combining lines of evidence (ina manner similar to recent research by, e.g., Blakely & Mathews1990; Crown 1991; Kardulias 1992), including the ethnohistoric record ofRome, the archaeological evidence of well-preserved Roman urban sitesand the densities of pre-industrial and modern cities. A house-by-housepopulation count for Pompeii and Ostia (including reconstructions ofunexcavated areas) produces a population density statistic applicable toRome and leads to a population estimate of the order of half a million.Background to demographic estimates for RomePrevious estimators of Rome's population have fallen into twoopposite camps: the ones we can call the 'Great Rome'theorists argue for a million or more inhabitants, while 'LittleRome' theorists (so characterized by Carcopino 1940: 10) estimateat or below half a million; the history of demographic estimates revealsa pendulum swing between the extremes (G. Storey 1992: 17-62; Maier1954). Many estimates in the favoured range of 750,000-1,000,000inhabitants start with the founder of the principate Prin´ci`paten. 1. Principality; supreme rule. , Augustus, whoseposthumous testament to the Roman people, the Res Gestae divi Augusti Res Gestae Divi Augusti, (Latin: "The Deeds of the Divine Augustus") is the funerary inscription of the first Roman emperor, Augustus, giving a first-person record of his life and accomplishments. ('Achievements of the Divine Augustus') says (section 15):Never did my largesse lar��gessalso lar��gesse ?n.1. a. Liberality in bestowing gifts, especially in a lofty or condescending manner.b. Money or gifts bestowed.2. Generosity of spirit or attitude. reach less than 250,000 people. In . . . [5BC], I gave 240 sesterces to each one of 320,000 of the Roman people ...In ... [11 BC], I gave to Romans then on the grain dole 240 sesterceseach. Their number stood at a little more than 200,000.If these numbers are accurate, and if the 200,000 or 320,000 refer toa subset of the total population (probably male household heads), and ifthe remaining elements of the population - women and children, slaves,resident aliens, police forces, transients etc. - are added, then thepopulation is at least 750,000, possibly one million people or more (theearliest version of this argument is in Lipsius 1605: 113-20).The citing of the figures 200,000-300,000 may have been chieflypolitical in intent, to glorify the accomplishments of Augustus (Finley1985: 11, 32). The two relevant enumerations of the Roman census,900,000 in 69 BC and 4 million in 28 BC are so disparate that somescholars believe that the Augustan census of 28 BC must have includedwomen and children, not just the usual male citizen family heads (Beloch1968 [1886]: 370-78; Brunt 1971: 120; Nicolet 1991: 131); thecounter-opinion in Frank 1924; Wiseman 1969; Lo Cascio 1994.Ancient Rome and statistics'Census' is a Latin word, and the modern notion of a statecounting the population is a direct legacy from the Roman system ofcounting its citizens. The complex Roman census process involved a sworndeclaration A sworn declaration (also called a sworn statement or a statement under penalty of perjury) is a document that recites facts pertinent to a legal proceeding. of age, family and property, allowing the administration torecord the city's human and property resources and to rank them(Nicolet 1991: 126). The procedure, originally confined to Romans in andnear Rome, later expanded to subjects in the provinces for the purposesof taxation, as the Gospel according to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. Luke (2: 1) says: 'And itcame to pass in those days, that there went out a decree from CaesarAugustus, that all the world should be taxed.' This Judaean census,mistakenly identified by Luke as universal, was merely a provincialenumeration 1. (mathematics) enumeration - A bijection with the natural numbers; a counted set.Compare well-ordered.2. (programming) enumeration - enumerated type. of taxable communities necessitated by an administrativere-organization initiating direct rule by the Romans. For thenon-specialist observer of Rome, it demonstrates that Romanadministration was an efficient record-keeping bureaucracy.The Romans were not in the habit of recording, reporting and usingstatistical information for public policy-making, as governments dotoday (Finley 1985: 32), nor did ancient Rome, at the time of Christ,have a bureaucracy, collecting statistics for administrative purposes(Garnsey & Saller 1987: 20-40). Under the Republic, theadministrative tasks of governance were carried out by members of theslave household of each Roman statesman holding power. When Augustusfounded the principate, he simply used his personal slave assistants asadministrators (Weaver 1972). The elaborations and additions to thisbasic pattern evolved into the imperial bureaucracy, eventually anoppressive entity that bequeathed to English the negative connotationsassociated with the term 'Byzantine' (Carney 1971).This view of how the imperial bureaucracy came into being - the'primitivist' view (Nicolet 1991: 162-3) - posits a simple, adhoc For this purpose. Meaning "to this" in Latin, it refers to dealing with special situations as they occur rather than functions that are repeated on a regular basis. See ad hoc query and ad hoc mode. , undifferentiated administrative structure resembling a'patchwork' of slowly evolving bodies of organization (Carney1971: 29). But a considerable body of evidence suggests there was along-standing Roman tradition of urban enumeration (Nicolet 1987), andthat some sort of count of the inhabitants of the city of Rome was madeat various times. Suetonius (Caesar 41.3) recounts:He [Julius Caesar Julius Caesar:see Caesar, Julius. ] carried out a recensus [partial census or reviewenumeration not requiring a sworn declaration], not according to customnor in the usual place, but street-by-street, with the aid of theapartment house owners.Suetonius (Augustus 40.2) also states that Augustus did likewise.These two occasions may not have been the first (Nicolet 1991: 129-30).Urban record-keeping took other forms as well. At the beginning ofthe 3rd century the Emperor Septimius Severus Septimius Severus:see Severus. displayed the Forroe UrbisMarmorea (Marble Plan of the City) - a map of ancient Rome, showing itsstreets, structures, and monuments (Carettoni et al. 1960;Rodriguez-Almeida 1981). The fragments of the Severan plan, about 10%that still exist, indicate that precise details of the urbanconfiguration were known to administrators. Both Augustus and Vespasianhad displayed similar plans (Palmer 1980: 227), which show houses and,apparently, even habitation HABITATION, civil law. It was the right of a person to live in the house of another without prejudice to the property. 2. It differed from a usufruct in this, that the usufructuary might have applied the house to any purpose, as, a store or manufactory; whereas units in many houses. The number of peoplein those units, which may have been matters of record, were not includedon the maps. The precise administrative functions of the marble plansremain debatable; the kind of information-collecting reflected in theseplans, and in the activities of the officials of Julius Caesar, Augustusand their successors, probably continued throughout imperial times.There is no record of a city-wide census, whereas a census of allcitizens throughout the empire, and partial censuses of entire subjectpopulations, are known. A register of births and deaths in Rome and theprovinces apparently was kept, which would be of enormous demographicvalue. Without those records themselves, our best expedient is toimitate, using modern methods, the process carried out to produce theSeveran plan, taking it a step further by adding population counts foreach unit. While this is impossible, at this point, for the city of Romeitself, other examples of the Roman archaeological record The archaeological record is a term used in archaeology to denote all archaeological evidence, including the physical remains of past human activities which archaeologists seek out and record in an attempt to analyze and reconstruct the past. can make upfor this deficiency.MethodologyPompeii, Ostia and AutoCADPompeii, a city ruin in central southern Italy, is 75% excavated(Jashemski 1979: 6). This site, once a resort and market centre 200 kmsouth of Rome, offers an excellent opportunity for understanding Romanurban public and domestic structures because of its preservation by theeruption of Mt Vesuvius in AD 79 (De Vos De Vos.For persons thus named, use Vos.& De Vos 1982; Richardson1988; Jongman 1988; Laurence 1994; Wallace-Hadrill 1994). The layout ofthe city has been extensively studied and documented, even toidentifying the function (and even ancient ownership) of a largeproportion of the existing remains, although the methods ofidentification are not completely reliable (Della Corte 1965; Eschebach1970; 1981; Castren 1975: 21-37; Jongman 1988; Wallace-Hadrill 1991:219; Van der Peel et al. 1983). Pompeii is ideal for generating anaccurate demographic estimate based on a hypothetical house-by-houseinhabitant INHABITANT. One who has his domicil in a place is an inhabitant of that place; one who has an actual fixed residence in a place. 2. A mere intention to remove to a place will not make a man an inhabitant of such place, although as a sign of such intention he count.Closer to Rome is the city of Ostia, once Rome's port at themouth of the Tiber River Tiber RiverItalian TevereRiver, Italy. The country's second-longest river, it rises in the Tuscan Apennines, and flows south for 252 mi (405 km), ultimately passing through the city of Rome before entering the Mediterranean at Ostia. , a rich city about 50% excavated (Packer 1971;Meiggs 1973; Calza 1953; Pavolini 1988). Ostia differed from Pompeii inurban functions; its livelihood was derived from commerce, and it didnot depend extensively on its own hinterland for subsistence support.The evidence of Pompeii and Ostia, taken together, represents the bestavenue to understanding the configuration and urban characteristics ofancient Rome (Packer 1971: 1; Ward-Perkins 1974: 36).(2)As neither city has been completely excavated, neither provides acomplete house count for a census. To correct for this,computer-generated archaeological maps [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2 &3 OMITTED], including suppositions about unexcavated areas, were madefor both sites by digitizing existing archaeological maps (Ostia:Gismondi in Calza 1953, with later updates from Pavolini 1988; Pompeii:Eschebach 1981) and using the AutoCAD architectural drawing softwarepackage (versions 10 and 12).(3)Features of the AutoCAD mapsThe configurations of the maps maximize the population estimatesbecause the goal is to identify the largest possible population size.The maps were constructed as separate layers of functionally distinctbuildings: public structures, domestic structures, shops, apartments,taverns, production loci loci[L.] plural of locus.lociPlural of locus, see there , and for estimated as opposed to knownconfigurations.In estimating for the unexcavated areas, the unexcavated areas ofboth sites were taken to be chiefly residential. In Roman cities,structures of differing functions commonly appeared in the samedistrict; there was no overt zoning in the modern sense (Paoli 1963[1940]: 5-32; Laurence 1995: 64-5). There was the well-known tendency ofcraftsmen plying the same trade to congregate in the same neighbourhood(Paoli 1963 [1940]: 33-5), and a tendency for warehousing to concentratein the same places. But the mixing meant that shops, workshops, livingquarters, taverns, etc. were located in most districts of every city.Public and non-residential structures have accordingly been'rebuilt' into the fabric of the unexcavated areas, but nomajor concentrations of non-residential architecture have been added.Nothing similar to a large public Forum complex was placed in eithercity's unexcavated regions; with all the work that has been done atboth sites, it is unlikely that major complexes of public structuresremain to be discovered.The estimated configurations were patterned after the mainresidential zones seen in the excavated parts of each city, with nothinginappropriately placed where it could not believably have actuallystood.The basis of the population estimatesTwo types of residences characterize the fundamental patterns ofRoman domestic life: the domus, a private town-house or mansion, and theapartments, either individual units or arranged in blocks or buildings,known as insulae In Roman architecture, insulae (singular insula) were large apartment buildings where the lower and middle classes of Romans (the plebs) dwelled. The floor at ground level was used for tavernas, shops and businesses with living space on the higher floors. (literally 'islands'). The bulk of theresidential population inhabited these two types of buildings. Thepattern of residence seems to have been basically one family per unit(Paoli 1963 [1940]: 56; Meiggs 1973: 235-62), but how many peopleconstituted the average Roman family?Bradley (1991) and Wallace-Hadrill (1991) have argued that theconcepts of 'nuclear' and 'extended' families forRoman society inadequately describe an extremely complex institution,with high incidence of divorce and remarriage Re`mar´riagen. 1. A second or repeated marriage.Noun 1. remarriage - the act of marrying again . Their argument, thoughcorrect, does not upset the factual residential character of the Romanfamily unit, a core nuclear family with conjugal Pertaining or relating to marriage; suitable or applicable to married people.Conjugal rights are those that are considered to be part and parcel of the state of matrimony, such as love, sex, companionship, and support. couple and dependentchildren. The Roman family, as a co-residential unit, was of thenuclear, not the extended, variety (Saller & Shaw 1984; Shaw 1984;Saller 1984; Rawson 1986: 8-15; 1991a: 1-5; Parkin parkinNounBrit a moist spicy ginger cake usually containing oatmeal [origin unknown] 1994). Not allprogeny of all past unions of the two remarried adults were livingtogether at any one time, in the same house or apartment.This conjugal nuclear family provides a reasonably well-defined basicunit. It is generally agreed that the pre-industrial nuclear family wassmall - averaging between 3 and 5 or 6 individuals at any one moment(Russell 1958; 53; Haviland 1972; Parkin 1992: 91-133; Evans 1993).Prior to the 'demographic transition', when health and medicalpractice began to depress the level of mortality below the level offertility and trigger explosive population increase, high naturalfertility Natural fertility is a concept developed by French demographer Louis Henry to refer to the level of fertility that would prevail in a population that makes no conscious effort to limit, regulate, or control fertility, so that fertility depends only on physiological factors was offset by high infant mortality (hardware) infant mortality - It is common lore among hackers (and in the electronics industry at large) that the chances of sudden hardware failure drop off exponentially with a machine's time since first use (that is, until the relatively distant time at which enough mechanical (Weiss 1973: 42-51, 55-6,77-8), a factor particularly characteristic of pre-industrial urbancentres due to their general problems of sanitation (Teotihuacan: R.Storey 1992; Europe in general: de Vries de Vries.For some persons thus named use Vries.1984; London: Finlay 1981;Rome: Brunt 1971: 133-6, 385-8; Scobie 1986).This basic size for Roman family units can be adjusted both up anddown. The small apartment units, it seems clear, characteristically heldeither a single individual or a partial family. The Roman written recorddescribes the smallest apartment units, with indications stronglypointing to common habitation by single men, a pair of single men, asingle mother and her children or small nuclear families.(4) Theanthropologically derived range of 3 to 5 or 6 persons is reasonable forthese families of lower socioeconomic status since they did not possesssufficient wealth to own their own houses (McKay 1988: 1373-4, 1378-9).The inhabitants of private town-houses or mansions had greater wealth(Wallace-Hadrill 1991; 1994). Presumably pre��sum��a��ble?adj.That can be presumed or taken for granted; reasonable as a supposition: presumable causes of the disaster. , the nuclear familiesinhabiting these houses were the same size as the 'normal'pre-industrial nuclear family characterizing the shops and apartments,again 3 to 5 or 6 individuals. These households contained retainers,poorer relations and slaves.The number of slaves in Roman antiquity is a vexing question. Thecommon view continues to be that the number of slaves in Roman culturewas large - of the order of one-third to 40% of the population (Brunt1971: 124, 7023; Bradley 1994: 29-30). The commonly cited'one-third' comes from one source, the Greek physician of theimperial period, Galen of Pergamon (c. 130-200 AD) in a work called'On the suffering of the soul' (Kuhn 5.49). Galen suggestedthat the population of the Greek city of Pergamon in western Turkey wasabout 120,000: 40,000 citizen males, 40,000 women and children and40,000 slaves (one slave for every two free persons). In the numerouscitations of this source, it has rarely been pointed out thatGalen's language in the passage is highly conditional. K.J. Belochdoubted its utility (an 1897 observation quoted in Lo Cascio 1994: 25,n. 12, 27), as have Warden & Bagnall (1988: 220, n. 2) morerecently. Galen's source for these figures is unknown, and it isimprobable that the number of males, females and children would havebeen equal.Other sources give a different view of the number of slaves, andimply that slave holding on the part of most individuals in Romansociety was moderate - maybe two or three per family (Horace Satires1.3.11-12; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Dionysius of Halicarnassus(dīənĭsh`ēəs, hăl'ĭkärnăs`əs), fl. late 1st cent. B.C., Greek rhetorician and historian. He taught at Rome and was one of the most celebrated of ancient critics. World History 31.18.2). But thescattered references in the historic record that report an extremesituation (200 slaves, Horace Satires 1.6.116; 4116 slaves, Pliny theElder Pliny the Elder(Caius Plinius Secundus) (plĭ`nē), c.A.D. 23–A.D. 79, Roman naturalist, b. Cisalpine Gaul. He was a friend and fellow soldier of Vespasian, and he dedicated his great work to Titus. Natural History 33.135; 400 slaves, Tacitus Annals 14.4) have beenaccorded greater weight. 'One of the problems about the literaryevidence', Wiedemann remarks (1981: 100), 'is that what wasthought worth noting down was almost always what was exceptional'.There is no doubt that the imperial household was the largest body ofslaves in the ancient world, but no evidence to agree with Carcopino(1940: 70) that they numbered some 20,000. This might be true were everyslave on every imperial estate in the Empire to be counted; it isdoubtful for the palace and city contingent stationed in Rome. For thepopulation of imperial slaves resident in Rome, a few hundred or athousand or two at most seems more realistic.Carandini's recent excavations of elite household buildings inthe very heart of the Roman Forum have demonstrated that the number ofslaves was small (1988: 359-87). Even if elites resident in Roman citiesowned hundreds of slaves, it is equally true that not all of thoseslaves would have been domiciled there; the Roman elite owned multiplehouses, and each would have had its resident slaves. Evidence from RomanEgypt suggests that common slave holdings for wealthy families were from6 to 18, with one exceptional case of up to 70 (Wiedemann 1981: 101).Thus, the number of slaves in most elite households was moderate (seeWestermann 1955: 86-9, especially 88). Counting slaves and any residentretainers or poor relations (not always present), the members of thehousehold outside the nuclear family would likely have been 10-12. So,adding the basic 'master' nuclear family size (3 to 5 or 6) tothe household slave and others contingent [TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE 1OMITTED] size (10-12) yields a total house occupancy of between 13 and17.Assignment of counts proceduresWith these assumptions, the simulation was carried forward: for bothcities, each residential unit (real or fictive fic��tive?adj.1. Of, relating to, or able to engage in imaginative invention.2. Of, relating to, or being fiction; fictional.3. Not genuine; sham. ) was assigned anoccupancy count, using the 3-5 or 6 range for apartment dwellings, the13-17 range for private houses. The assignment of an actual number wasguided chiefly by the size of the unit: in most cases, a small unit wasassigned a figure towards the lower end of the appropriate range, alarger unit towards the upper end.That rule was deliberately and randomly violated to reflect morefaithfully the habitational realities of urban life, as rightlyemphasized by Wallace-Hadrill (1991: 202, 213, 214, 2257). Not all largeunits hold more people, or small ones fewer. In modern US society, awell-off widow occupies a large mansion, while a twobedroom apartmenthouses eight people in the inner city. Roman examples would be: an agingelite couple with a handful of slaves occupying one of the largertown-houses in the backstreets of Pompeii; two families of commonersrecently evicted from their land in southern Etruria who try to make aliving selling ceramic vessels in a small shop-front in Ostia, squeezedinto the small mezzanine apartment upstairs with two slaves sleeping onthe shop floor; or, the son of a low-ranking senator who occupies aspacious three-room apartment on the second floor of an apartment housewith three slaves.About 20% to 25% of the total sample was varied in this way. Toassure that the procedure was applied consistently, no totalling wasdone until all assignments were complete for both sites.ResultsTABLE 1 gives the totals for both sites: Pompeii has a population of11,132 inhabitants, at a density of 16,615 persons per sq, km; Ostia has21,874 inhabitants, at a density of 31,700 persons per sq. km.Previous estimates for Pompeii (summarized in Jashemski 1979: 343 n.56) range from 6400 (Russell 1977) to 30,000 (Cary & Scullard 1975),but the range favoured today - between 8000 and 12,000 (Jongman 1988:110-12; WallaceHadrill 1991: 109-200) - finds strong support from thesimulation. It also matches recent work by Wallace-Hadrill (1991; 1994)who subjected a sample of houses from Pompeii (and Herculaneum) toscrutiny as to their sizes, layouts and probable parameters ofoccupancy. As in this current study, Wallace-Hadrill worked from the'bottom up', looking 'in detail at the evidence of thehouses themselves [to] see what they imply about the density anddistribution of population within the city' (1991: 201). He assumeda population of around 10,000 (1991: 203). The maximum number ofdwelling units thought to exist in the entire city was 1500, close tothe 1427 of this study. His average household unit size was 7.7 to 8.3,although his method shied away from simple average statistics. Theresult in this study [TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE 1 OMITTED] is also not verydifferent - 9-6 persons per unit.year population population density (persons per sq. km)1881 272,012 18,6751901 424,860 26,2891911 409,263 25,3241921 471,857 29,1271931 460,196 29,3471951 444,009 28,315Source: Comune di Roma Ufficio di Statistica e Censimento 1960Tavole 17, 65; Tavole 19, 68; Tavole 21, 70; Tavole 23, 73; Tavole25, 76; Tavole 42, 233.TABLE 2. Modern city of Rome population 18811951.Strocka (1984: 49-50) concluded that the house in Region 6, Block 15,Doors 7 and 8 at Pompeii contained a private suite for 6-10 familymembers and slave quarters for 3-5, in a domus that probably housed12-20 people, when houseowners, tenants and slaves are included.Wallace-Hadrill noted that the figures could easily be reversed: 6-10slaves, a family of 3-5 for the private suite (1991:222). Theseindependent results, strongly supportive of the method and result inthis current study, bring an accurate picture of the city'spopulation within sight: the scale of 6000 for Pompeii is not correct,nor is the scale of 20,000; 11,000 is the better figure. With about 75%of Pompeii fully excavated, the degree of completeness in the data helpsinvestigators, working from similar methodologies and assumptions, toarrive at a consensus.For Ostia, previous estimates (briefly discussed in Meiggs 1973:532-5) range from 20,000 (Nibby 1829: 61) to 100,000 (Calza 1926: 16).Packer (1971: 70), with careful analysis of the residential units and afamily size of 4 (from Russell's 1958 study), concluded that Ostiawas inhabited by no more than 27,000 people. The current study at 22,000substantiates Packer's conclusions, and Nibby's 19th-centuryestimate seems remarkably astute. The high figures of 35,000, 50,000 andthe unlikely 100,000 are incorrect.(5)These two population densities based on Roman archaeological datafrom Italy can be applied to ancient Rome. The average of the twodensities - one nearly twice the other - is 24,158 persons per sq. km.Applied to the known area of the ancient city - 13.86 sq. km enclosed bythe Walls of Aurelian - this makes the ancient population of the cityabout 335,000. So, applying the higher figure from Ostia alone, the cityof warehouses and apartment houses, to Rome, also a city of warehousesand apartments, at 31,700 persons per sq. km, the ancient population ofRome was 440,000.The recent population history of Rome in the area roughly equivalentto that of the ancient city is relevant. The period 1881-1951 (TABLE 2based on Comune di Roma Ufficio di Statistica e Censimento 1960) saw agrowth in the population of the city that had only occurred previouslyin antiquity - to a maximum about that estimated for antiquity: some450,000, with a density of close to 30,000 persons per sq. km at itsmost crowded. Even conceding the many differences between antiquity andmodern times, these recent data should give pause to the claim thatancient Rome had one million inhabitants.Population density in a cross-cultural perspectiveIs the half-million result reasonable in other respects?Substantiating evidence can be drawn from systematic analysis of urbanpopulation densities derived from adequate census data and fromless-adequate observer-traveller estimates. A sample is used of 531cities, 425 preindustrial pre��in��dus��tri��al?adj.Of, relating to, or being a society or an economic system that is not or has not yet become industrialized.preindustrialAdjectiveof a time before the mechanization of industry cities, 106 modern. Their densities clusterwell below 20,000 persons per sq. km [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 4OMITTED]. In the entire combined sample, all but 14 of the 531 cities,or 97.6%, had densities below 45,000 persons per sq. km; the mean is14,542, with the distribution heavily skewed to the lower end; themedian is 10,935.(6)The modern city sample (the 106 largest urban centres according tothe United Nations) shows a similar profile: mean density 5991 personsper sq. km; median 3790 per sq. km; maximum 42,571 (Manila in the1980s). No modern city possesses an overall population density remotelynear that for an ancient Rome of one million people. Although moderncities might seem able to support very high densities with advancedarchitectural and transport technology, in fact, they sprawl over verylarge territories in comparison to pre-industrial cities; the mean areaof the pre-industrial sample is 6.63 sq. km, of the modern 807.The mean density of the pre-industrial sample of 425 is 16,661persons per sq. km (median 12,897): the pre-industrial cities were morecrowded and compact than modern ones. These data are based on variousestimates reported in a variety of sources at a variety of periods; fewaccurate censuses of urban populations exist before that for London of1801 (Abstract ... 1801), based on a count from parish registers.Chandler & Fox's study of urban growth (1974) compiles manydifferent estimates and with supplementary sources - including New Worldarchaeological estimates independently arrived at - indicate a normalurban density range of 10,000-20,000 persons per sq. km (Casselberry1974; Haviland 1972; Blanton 1981; Millon 1981; Calnek 1976; Healan1977; Sanders et al. 1979; Culbert & Rice 1990; Webster & Freter1990).If the pre-industrial data do represent a reasonable picture ofpopulation density, pre-indastrial cities were more dense than theirmodern counterparts; for the 205 pre-industrial European cities, theaverage is only 18,042 persons per sq. km. Only four cities exceeded50,000 persons per sq. km, and none equalled or exceeded 54,112 personsper sq. km, the density equivalent to an ancient Rome of 750,000inhabitants.For the 82 pre-industrial cities existing during the Roman period,the mean density falls to 13,607 persons per sq. km; within a range from4000 to 37,750, 94% of the cities have a density below 22,000. Not oneRoman, European or other pre-industrial city equals the populationdensity for an imperial Rome of one million inhabitants - or even of750,000 inhabitants.DiscussionThe density figure for Pompeii is roughly average for apre-industrial urban density sample, that for Ostia is comparativelyhigh, and well within the range of possibilities. Stambaugh, realizingthat an ancient Rome of one million persons equals a population densityin the 70,000s per sq. km found evidence to support that figure (1988:90):If we assume a population of about a million, we must conclude thatRome in the early principate was one of the most densely populatedcities the world has ever known - as crowded, probably, as modern Bombayor Calcutta.But Bombay's 1980 density was 18,796 persons per sq. km;Calcutta's was 31,779 (United Nations Population Fund The United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA) began funding population programs in 1969. It was renamed the United Nations Population Fund in 1987, but kept its original abbreviation. 1988) - verymuch as calculated for Pompeii and for Ostia, respectively! Thosedensities, when applied to the area of ancient Rome, result in apopulation well under half a million. Stambaugh used a 'spotdensity' from United Nations (1980) statistics. Spot densities areextremely high population densities found in cities all over the world -but in exclusively small areas of only a few hectares to one or two sq.kms. Only by applying a modern spot density statistic to the entireurban area of ancient Rome can the one million population figure bereached. Beyond the city of Rome itself lay a hinterland territory ofroughly 2500 sq. km. If a population of one million is to be supposed,it would be across that larger region, comparable to that estimated forthe entire population of the Basin of Mexico during the Late HorizonAztec period on the eve On the Eve (Накануне in Russian) is the third novel by famous Russian writer Ivan Turgenev, best known for his short stories and the novel Fathers and Sons. of the Spanish conquest (Sanders et al. 1979).Acknowledgements. Special thanks to Susan Evans and Winfield Swansonfor their assistance, the University of Iowa Not to be confused with Iowa State University.The first faculty offered instruction at the University in March 1855 to students in the Old Mechanics Building, situated where Seashore Hall is now. In September 1855, the student body numbered 124, of which, 41 were women. Office of Research forgenerous support for graphics reproduction, and my wife, Andrea Storey.All shortcomings of this paper are the author's alone.1 The area within the Aurelian Walls The Aurelian Walls (Italian: Mura aureliane) were city walls built between 271 and 275 in Rome during the reign of the Roman Emperors Aurelian and Probus. They enclosed all seven hills of Rome plus the Campus Martius and the Trastevere district on the left bank of the arguably did not constitute thefull urban area of ancient Rome. However, it is unclear whether Rome hadextensive 'suburbs' in the modern sense, or shanty shanty,in music: see chantey. towns. Thequestion requires separate treatment; this analysis assumes that therewere no large, high-density suburban residency zones outside theAurelian Walks. That assumption (found in Homo 1951, repeating earlierarguments) does not mean the landscape was empty; far from it. But thesettlement configuration just outside the walls, while having a higherthan rural population density, was not an urban density, due to thetombs, market-gardens and luxurious villas of the wealthy. Purcell(1987a; 1987b) provides a useful discussion with references.2 Rome, Ostia and Pompeii are not 'typical' Roman cities,but the degree of the 'atypical' found in Pompeii and Ostiaoccurred also in Rome. Pompeii's houses, possibly bigger than in anon-resort town, would also be found in Rome because the governingelites had their largest residences there. Ostia's commercialfunctions also characterized the capital as well as the high frequencyof apartment residency.3 As pointed out by Wallace-Hadrill (1994: 71), the structurefunction identifications of Van der Peel et aI. (1983) are probably morereliable than those of Eschebach (1970; 1981) utilized here. However,the most frequent emendation e��men��da��tion?n.1. The act of emending.2. An alteration intended to improve: textual emendations made by the editor.Noun 1. required by Van der Peel et al. (1983)would be changing Eschebach's commercial/industrial functionidentifications back into ordinary private domus. The occupancydifferentials between those two types of structure uses would notsignificantly alter the results, or, if they did, they would serve onlyto increase moderately the number of occupants because Roman'cottage' industries would have had worker contingents similarin size to the average slave contingent of a private domus. So,Eschebach's identifications, though questionable in a number ofcases, still yield reasonable results.4 The poetry of Martial (Marcus Valerius Martialis c. AD 38-104) andJuvenal (Decimus Junius Juvenalis c. AD 60130) is particularlysuggestive on the question of single men: see for example, MartialEpigrams 1.86; 1.117.6-7; 2.53; 3.30.3-4; 8.14.5-6; 8.20-22; 11.32;11.56.3-8; 12.18.16; Juvenal Satires 3.197-202. Suetonius (GaiusSuetonius Tranquillus c. AD 70-140) also noted that poor single menlived alone in small upper-floor apartments (On Grammarians andrhetoricians 9). Regarding single men living together Diodorus Siculus Diodorus Siculus(dīədôr`əs sĭk`yləs), d. after 21 B.C., Sicilian historian. He wrote, in Greek, a world history in 40 books, ending with Caesar's Gallic Wars. (c. 807-217 BC World History 31.18.2) reported that the impoverishedEgyptian monarch Ptolemy XII Ptolemy XII,61?–47 B.C., king of ancient Egypt (51–47 B.C.), of the Macedonian dynasty; son of Ptolemy XI. On the death of his father he was under the guardianship of Pompey. lived cheaply by sharing an upper-floorapartment in Rome with a Greek scholar, due to the high rents. Regardinga small household, Martial describes a rent-dodging family unitconsisting of a man, his wife, mother and sister (Epigrams 12.32.1-25)5 Janet DeLaine (pers. comm. 1995) reports one of her students,Andrew Pearson, recalculating the population of Ostia, arrived at afigure of 22,000.6 The data are from the following sources: Census of England andWales England and Wales are both constituent countries of the United Kingdom, that together share a single legal system: English law. 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