The archaeology of occupation, 1940-2009: a case study from the Channel Islands.

The archaeology of occupation, 1940-2009: a case study from the Channel Islands. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Military occupation and archaeology The experience of being militarily occupied is something thatendures in the memories of individuals and communities long after theoccupying army leaves, as is readily apparent today in the Europeancountries which were occupied during World War II (WWII WWIIabbr.World War IIWWIIWorld War Two ). Occupation isa humiliating hu��mil��i��ate?tr.v. hu��mil��i��at��ed, hu��mil��i��at��ing, hu��mil��i��atesTo lower the pride, dignity, or self-respect of. See Synonyms at degrade. and suffocating experience and is often characterised byfear and shortages of food, fuel, raw materials and outside news. Itinvolves disruption to normal life and a loss of control. It can oftenmean an end to privacy; everyday activities are under surveillance andeven neighbours can be perceived as less trustworthy than before.Oppressive laws are creatively circumvented in order to eat, to live andto inject life with a modicum of normality. Such circumvention can oftenlead to a jail sentence jail sentencejail n → peine f de prison, although the feeling of living behind bars canalso function as a metaphor for being occupied--at least in the ChannelIslands (e.g. Wyatt 1945; Keiller 2000). From 1940-1945, the Channel Islands were the only British territoryto be occupied by Nazi forces. By April 1942, when the garrison was atits maximum size, occupying soldiers numbered one for every twoIslanders (King 1991: 26), compared to a figure of one for every 100civilians in France (Sanders 2004: 128). These soldiers had the right toenter and search a house without prior warning. The Occupation had aprofound impact on the whole population, who were variously evacuated,occupied, deported or imprisoned; everyone was affected in some way.Families were split up and the Islanders endured five long years Five Long Years is one of the most widely covered blues standards. It was originally written and recorded by Eddie Boyd in 1952. RecordingsEddie Boyd, 1952, the original performance Buddy Guy, 1991, Damn Right I've Got a Blues ofhunger and oppression. This trauma has been passed down through thegenerations and, although its effect is weaker now, it continues toaffect the Islanders--and the Islands themselves--today. The Occupation(always spelled with a capital 'O' locally) lives on in theannual Liberation Day Liberation Day is a day, often a public holiday, that marks the liberation of a place, similar to an independence day. Liberation marks the date of either a revolution, as in Cuba, or the end of an occupation by another state, thereby differing from independence in the meaning of ceremonies, in re-enactment in schools, in newlyuncovered unexploded bombs, in the local Occupation societies, in theconcrete Nazi fortifications that litter the Islands, and in thememories of the 'Occupation generation'. This legacy hasbecome a fundamental part of Channel Island identity and heritage--alegacy that can be explored by archaeologists via the analysis oflandscape, heritage and material culture, and the material manifestationof many of the unequal power relationships between people who lived inthat landscape throughout occupation. This paper, then, outlines theconcept of 'occupation archaeology', based on fieldwork whichhas investigated the legacy of an occupation, and which has beenconducted through landscape, heritage and material cultural approaches.Its purpose is not only to illuminate a particular case history, but todefine areas of analogy for the detection and investigation ofoccupation elsewhere. Occupation artefacts The Channel Islands have a rich archaeological and historicalrecord, ranging from Neolithic chambered tombs and Roman ships tomedieval castles and Martello towers. Bur the Islands are more thicklycovered with data from the Occupation period than from any other. Occupation material culture typically includes wartime identitycards and newspaper clippings, weapons and army uniforms. But theobjects of principal interest to the occupation archaeologist are thoseclassified as 'trench art' (as defined and discussed bySaunders 2001, 2003) and 'make do and mend'. These twocategories of items are hand-made, recycled, reworked or otherwisepersonalised by individuals who were living through the Occupation andwho made the items as a direct result of the situation in which theylived. Whether they were made as a way of coping with the shortages ofwar, or as a souvenir of the period, an item of resistance, a gift, orsimply a way of passing an idle moment, each of these items, thematerial from which they are made and the form that they take, speakmore powerfully of the experience and emotions of occupation thanhelmets and pistols, so favoured by collectors of militaria mil��i��tar��i��a?pl.n.Objects, such as weapons and uniforms, that are connected with warfare or military service and are usually collected for their historical interest. . Privately-owned personalised trench art Trench Art is the description given to objects made or decorated by soldiers and others involved in World War I and kept as souvenirs or household ornaments by themselves and their relatives. and other handmade itemsprompt such powerful memories of occupation, that many Channel Islanderswho have items such as these in their homes (often made by familymembers), keep them in the attic In the Attic can refer to: In The Attic (webcast) In the Attic (band) or out of sight in cupboards ratherthan on public display. These items are now treated as heirlooms (e.g.Lillios 1999), but ones that are rarely displayed, brought out only onspecial occasions to aid in the recitation rec��i��ta��tion?n.1. a. The act of reciting memorized materials in a public performance.b. The material so presented.2. a. Oral delivery of prepared lessons by a pupil.b. of family stories. Behindevery object lies a biography (e.g. Appadurai 1986; Kopytoff 1986;Hoskins 1998) that starts with an anecdote about the Occupation, andthese artefacts are often used in transmitting to the next generationstories about the family's Occupation experiences. Thus, theseitems are more than just repositories of memory and family history: theyare important receptacles of cultural heritage which have collectivelyembodied the very essence of the identity of many Channel Islanders,albeit an aspect of their identity which is beginning to wane as theOccupation generation also die out. While most adults in their thirtiesonwards have (now mostly deceased) grandparents who were affected by theOccupation, their children typically have no personal experience of arelative who lived through this period, and thus the link with thosecrucial years is weakening. This realisation is one of a number offactors that has sparked an increasing number of Occupation-relatedmemorials in recent years. It is important to note that the makers of Occupation artefactswere not just the occupied population, but other groups caught up in theconflict as well. These include the occupiers (i.e. the German soldiers)and the foreign labourers, many of whom had been brought to the Islandsfrom other parts of occupied Europe to build Hitler's Atlantic Wall The Atlantikwall (English: Atlantic wall) was an extensive system of coastal fortifications built by the German Third Reich in 1942 until 1944 during World War II along the western coast of Europe to defend against an anticipated Anglo-American led Allied invasion of the and who were typically the most dispossessed of all the people in theIslands. The 2200 civilians who were deported to German internment campsin 1942 and 1943 also made artefacts; they recycled the contents oftheir Red Cross parcels to make a range of items that helped to pass thetime (Carr 2009, forthcoming 2010). Occupation artefacts can be categorised according to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. their maker.However, in terms of the information that they carry about theexperience of being occupied, the circumstances in which they were made,by whom, and why, make their creation meaningful. The artefacts can showus the hunger and desperation of civilian populations during foodshortages, the boredom and homesickness of prisoners of war, thesuffering of foreign workers foreign workersThose who work in a foreign country without initially intending to settle there and without the benefits of citizenship in the host country. Some are recruited to supplement the workforce of a host country for a limited term or to provide skills on a , and the attitudes of the occupying army:all raw, powerful and often still tangible emotions that are otherwisenot so easily accessible. One of the most important, classic, and even diagnostic, featuresof one category of Occupation artefacts are those which were made withthe expectation or fear that their makers were being, or could be,observed by soldiers or by jealous and grudge-bearing neighbours, whomight inform on them (Cruikshank 1975: 162). These objects are typically defiant or resistant in nature, andthus are also often ambiguous or hidden in form. A well-known andubiquitous item of this type in the Channel Islands is the crystal radioset. Radios were confiscated and banned by the Germans in June 1942 toprevent people from listening to BBC BBCin full British Broadcasting Corp.Publicly financed broadcasting system in Britain. A private company at its founding in 1922, it was replaced by a public corporation under royal charter in 1927. propaganda and war news. To becaught listening carried severe penalties such as a heavy fine and aprison sentence on the Continent, from where some drifted into theconcentration camp system. The continued reception of news thusrepresented an act of great defiance, as discussed by Sanders (2004:21-7, 104-21). Homemade crystal radio sets were often hidden insidelight switches or fittings, biscuit tins, battery packs and even insidebooks (Figure 1). They became even more popular when electricity ran outand powered radios could no longer be used. The dangers of BBC propaganda for the Occupation forces were amplyillustrated in 1941 during the V-for-victory campaign, the year beforeradios were banned. This campaign was broadcast to the occupied peoplesof Europe (Rolo 1943; Tangye Lean 1943; Mansell 1982). Although it wasnot intended for the Channel Islands as their position was deemed tooprecarious, Islanders nonetheless tuned in and found encouragement tochalk up the letter 'V' on walls everywhere and to make theV-sound (i.e. V in Morse code Morse Code International Morse Code Letters A ·– B –··· C –·–· D –·· E · , see Blades 1977: 177), to make theoccupying forces feel that they were surrounded by a hostile resistancearmy. The campaign was picked up with enthusiasm and some people in theIslands' capitals took great satisfaction in painting Vs on roads,street signs and walls (Cruikshank 1975: 168). After the Naziauthorities clamped down on this kind of action, the V-sign campaignwent underground; a number of artefacts bearing Vs are known from thisperiod (Figure 2; Carr & Heaume 2004; Carr forthcoming 2010 &2011). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] It is clear that all artefactual adj. 1. of or pertaining to an artefact.2. made by human actions.Adj. 1. artefactual - of or relating to artifactsartifactual or symbolic resistance had to beinvisible, or at the very least, ambiguous in form or anonymous inexecution. Active, armed resistance, as known in neighbouring France,was simply not feasible (or at least, extremely foolhardy) in theChannel Islands because of their small size and lack of mountains andforests in which to melt away. Other forms of civilian defiance orsabotage came to the fore (e.g. Willmot 2000; Sanders 2004, 2005:99-145; see Carr (n.d.) for a further discussion of defiance expressedthrough material culture). These small and silent acts should not bedismissed as ineffective; rather, they can be seen as 'weapons ofthe weak' (Scott 1985, 1990), the numerous but tiny acts ofinsubordination in��sub��or��di��nate?adj.Not submissive to authority: has a history of insubordinate behavior.in carried out behind the backs of those in power, whichnibbled away at the overwhelming and pervading dominance of theirauthority. These acts enabled Islanders to keep their heads held highand to feel morally and psychologically that they were defying theenemy. Studies of similar examples exist for other formerly occupiedcountries (e.g. Stokker 1997; cf. Semelin 1993). [FIGURE 2 OMITTED] Compared to trench art, items of make-do-and-mend have the abilityto speak directly of other aspects of occupation, such as the shortagesof raw materials, fuel and food. Within this category can be includedshoes soled and re-soled with layers of wood, carpet and old tyre afterleather ran out, and of which many Island households still have a pair.Fuel grew increasingly more rationed as the war progressed, and theIslanders invented cooking equipment to cope with this, of which the'hay box' is a good example. Items on the stove could beremoved from the heat source and placed into a lidded box well insulatedwith hay, which could keep food simmering without the addition offurther heat. As another method of saving gas, biscuit tins wereconverted into small 'ovens' and placed in the hearth. A mealcould cook inside while the lid of the tin became the hob of the stove. The shortage of food resulted in various ersatz er��satz?adj.Being an imitation or a substitute, usually an inferior one; artificial: ersatz coffee made mostly of chicory.See Synonyms at artificial. foodstuffs foodstuffsnpl → comestibles mplfoodstuffsnpl → denr��es fpl alimentairesfoodstuffsfood npl → beingbrought into common usage, such as parsnip Parsnip, river, CanadaParsnip,river, c.150 mi (240 km) long, rising in central British Columbia, Canada, and flowing northwest to join the Finlay River at Williston Lake and form the Peace River. coffee, blackberry leaf teaand carrageen carrageen:see seaweed; Rhodophyta. seaweed blancmange blanc��mange?n.A flavored and sweetened milk pudding thickened with cornstarch.[Middle English blankmanger, a dish made with almond milk, from Old French blanc mangier : . However, new kitchen tools had to bemade to process some of these. One of the most well known is the'potato flour grater'. After wheat flour ran out, potatoeswere finely grated and the gratings washed and dried before being usedin making the infamous, unpopular and heavy 'Occupation loaf'. Other kinds of hardships meted out Adj. 1. meted out - given out in portionsapportioned, dealt out, doled out, parceled outdistributed - spread out or scattered about or divided up to other sections of thepopulation, namely the slave workers, and are present in the handmadewhips and truncheons that form a range of artefacts of oppression; thesetoo characterise the material culture of occupation. The slave workersalso made their artefactual contribution. Only four items are known fromthis category, all made by Russians. Two are traditional Russian toys,made for the children of Islanders who managed to give them scraps offood. A further two items take the form of crucifixes inside oldbottles, perhaps a commentary on the suffering of the slave workersduring the Occupation years. Occupation landscapes An analysis of formerly occupied landscapes, and changes in the waythey are perceived with time, is an important part of occupationarchaeology. Types of features which would fit into this description aremultiple, not all of them heritage sites, namely: beaches which wereonce mined or cordoned off with barbed wire barbed wire,wire composed of two zinc-coated steel strands twisted together and having barbs spaced regularly along them. The need for barbed wire arose in the 19th cent. ; houses that were onceoccupied by billeted soldiers; and graveyards where occupying soldiers,forced workers, and those who died as a direct result of occupation, areburied. It also includes places of cruelty, punishment and terror, suchas the location of former prisons, prisoner of war camps, labour camps,and the concentration camp on Alderney. The business of identifying andmarking the location of former wartime prisons and camps has really onlybegun in the years leading up to the 60th anniversary of liberation in2005; few of these sites are visible or marked with plaques today. InSeptember 2008, the first plaque to the former concentration camp (orany other camp) in Alderney was erected. While this long neglect couldbe due, in Alderney at least, to an unwillingness of the population toface what happened to their island during the Occupation and in theirabsence (Carr 2008), the reasons for the neglect of the minority of thepopulation, who were badly treated and suffered in Guernsey and Jersey,are more complex and are discussed below. [FIGURE 3 OMITTED] Occupation landscapes also include the most visible of all wartimefeatures: the occupiers' fortifications and bunkers.Reinforced-concrete fortifications and bunkers are the most visible andintrusive of all Occupation-period monuments (Figure 3). Once used asobservation stations, equipment stores, gun emplacements andaccommodation for soldiers, these fortifications have had many uses inthe last 64 years. In the post-war era, most were stripped of scrapmetal or covered in soil, once it was discovered that it would beextremely difficult and expensive to blow them up. These monuments areobjects of intense curiosity and fascination for many (cf. Virilio1994). Among collectors and bunker-enthusiasts in the Islands,uncovering forgotten bunkers loaded with helmets and shells is an almostimpossible dream, nurtured from childhood. From being seen as ugly blots on the landscape, as they were wellinto the 1970s, bunkers are now seen by many as important historicmonuments, equal (if not higher) in status to the coastal Martellotowers and castles. In the 1990s, some of the best were refurbished andturned into museums; heavy guns were dragged back up the cliffs wherethey had been dumped in 1945 and 1946 and put back in their originalemplacements. This action has not been universally welcomed and is notseen by all as a morally neutral thing to do. Currently there is noconsensus to satisfy the multiple groups who have an interest in thefuture use of these monuments. The treatment of Nazi-era structures suchas these, and the conflict over whether to preserve or destroy them, haspresented a significant dilemma to post-war societies across Europe,perhaps nowhere more so than in Germany itself (e.g. Ladd 1997;Macdonald 2009). Today the bunkers are used as the locations of illicitteenage parties, mushroom farms, wine cellars, and even for tourist orprivate accommodation. This last transformation has been a recent act,fully bringing in bunkers from the cold and rehabilitating structuresthat symbolise the Occupation more clearly than any other on theIslands. All graveyards in the Channel Islands are beautifully kept,regardless of who is buried there, and vandalism has not been a problem.The German soldiers (where their graves still exist, in Guernsey) havetheir own cemetery; all other Islanders are buried together, with theexception of those who died overseas, either in internment camps inGermany, or in the UK whilst seeking refuge from the Occupation. In1961, the bodies of foreign workers in all islands and of Germansoldiers buried in Jersey were exhumed by the Valksbund DeutscheKriegsgraberfursorge (the German equivalent of the War GravesCommission) and removed to the Mont des Huisnes charnel house charnel housen.1. A building, room, or vault in which the bones or bodies of the dead are placed; a charnel.2. A scene or place of great physical suffering and loss of life: inNormandy, to be interred together in the same place. In 1997, the remains of Maurice Gould, who died in Wittlich prisonand had been buried alongside Nazi military personnel, was brought backto Jersey for reburial Noun 1. reburial - the act of burying againreburyingburying, burial - concealing something under the ground . Gould was caught, aged 17, trying to escape fromJersey in a boat with two friends, and was sentenced to become aprisoner under the notorious Night and Fog (Nacht und Nebd) decree, cutoff from all outside contact or sources of information. Internment insuch concentration or prison camps was usually reserved for members ofthe resistance. Of all Channel Islanders who were sent to concentrationcamps and penal prisons, and who met their deaths there, Gould is theonly one whose remains were brought back. This took place only becauseGould's friend and co-escapee, Peter Hassall, survived the campsand pledged to bring the body of his friend back to Jersey one day inaccordance with Gould's dying wishes (Sanders 2004: 43). Gould wasreburied in a public ceremony at Howard Davis ''This article is about the American architect. For the professional boxer, see Howard Davis Jr. For the Jamaican athlete, see Howard Davis (athlete).Howard Davis Park in Jersey, in frontof members of the public, the Bailiff bailiffOfficer of some U.S. courts whose duties include keeping order in the courtroom and guarding prisoners or jurors in deliberation. In medieval Europe, it was a title of some dignity and power, denoting a manorial superintendent or royal agent who collected fines and and the Lieutenant Governor lieutenant governorn. Abbr. Lt. Gov.1. An elected official ranking just below the governor of a state in the United States.2. The nonelective chief of government of a Canadian province. .Interestingly, he was interred next to members of the Allied forcesrecovered in Jersey during the Occupation, thus raising him to thestatus of 'war hero'. This constitutes quite a rise in status,as 'political prisoners' in the Channel Islands (the localcollective nomenclature for all those who offended against the occupyingauthorities in any way, and which resulted in a prison sentence, eitherin the Islands or on the Continent) were once perceived as having'rocked the boat' and made life more difficult for others dueto potential reprisals (e.g. Sanders 2004: 139). Occupation heritage The heritage of the Occupation in the Channel Islands iseverywhere, existing as a myriad of museums, memorials, re-enactmentsand commemorations of the period of war that take place several times ayear, on various anniversaries. Aspects of this commitment to the pasthave undergone cyclical waxing and waning, sometimes in tandem Adv. 1. in tandem - one behind the other; "ride tandem on a bicycle built for two"; "riding horses down the path in tandem"tandem with thetourist industry. Other features have flourished and grown ever strongerwith the need to remember as those who experienced the Occupation firsthand have grown fewer. The prime period of cultural transmission of the Islands'wartime heritage has centred around annual Liberation Day celebrationson May 9th, a national holiday in Jersey, Guernsey and Sark (whichcelebrates one day later). Alderney does not recognise this holiday;December 15th, 'Homecoming Day', is their annual day ofremembrance. It was on this day in 1945 that most of the populationreturned to their ravaged island, having left it en masse en masse?adv.In one group or body; all together: The protesters marched en masse to the capitol.[French : en, in + masse, mass. in June 1940in advance of the arrival of occupying forces. In their absence, threeforced labour camps and a concentration camp were built on their island,and many houses were used for firing practice or stripped of floorboardsand beams for firewood (see Carr 2008). The wartime experience of thispopulation was to live as refugees in the UK. On the other Islands, Liberation Day is an opportunity to stagecostumed re-enactments and 1940s themed events to teach the nextgeneration about the Occupation. Cavalcades, or parades ofoccupation-themed floats and vintage military vehicles Military vehicles include all land combat and transportation vehicles, excluding rail-based, which are designed for or are in significant use by military forces.See also list of armoured fighting vehicles. , are popular atthis time, as is the display of occupation weaponry. A vast range ofcommemorative kitsch in the form of mugs, coins, plates and badges havealso been churned out over the years to commemorate liberation; such aconsumerist response to past traumatic events is certainly not unusual(e.g. Sturken 2008). May 9th is also the occasion, especially on majoranniversaries, to erect new memorials. Public memorial stones, plaques and monuments form a major aspectof the third part of the research agenda of occupation archaeology(Figure 4). The question of what is erected to whom, when, where, and inwhat form is an especially interesting issue in the Channel Islands. Thefirst post-war memorials to be erected commemorated the mainstreammajority of Islanders. In Guernsey, it commemorated those who had diedin the initial bombing raid on the harbour in 1940. In Jersey, itcommemorated ordinary Islanders who had died during the war. The nextset of memorials were not erected in the Islands until the 40th, 50thand 60th anniversaries of liberation, and these, once again,commemorated the experience of ordinary Islanders. It seems remarkablethat, not only did it take 40 years for a proper memorial to theliberation from occupation to be erected in the Islands' capitals,but the victims of Nazism This is a list of victims of Nazism who were noted for their achievements.This list includes people from public life who, owing to their origins, their political or religious convictions, or their sexual orientation, lost their lives as a result of Nazism. and other minority groups, many of whom had aworse, or at least different, wartime experience, were not memorialiseduntil the 1990s and later (this concentration on liberation to theexclusion of other aspects of the Occupation was similarly noted byLennon & Foley 2000: 69-70, 73). Guernsey, for example, at the timeof writing has not erected a memorial to the evacuees, nor to those 2200Islanders who were deported to German internment camps in 1942 and 1943(not including the plaque given in 2003 by the citizens of the Germantown of Biberach, home to the internment camp for people from Guernsey This is a selected list of famous people from Guernsey. ListJames Saumarez (1757-1836), Vice Admiral of the Blue and first Baron de Saumarez Sir Isaac Brock (1769-1812), hero of Upper Canada Thomas de la Rue (1793-1866), printer and stationer ).On this island, memorials have also yet to be erected to the politicalprisoners. The situation is different in Jersey, where all of these groupshave memorial plaques, most of which have been erected since the 50thanniversary of liberation. The political prisoners were officiallycommemorated in 1995 and 1996; the deported Jews, in 1998 and 1999 inJersey and in 2001 in Guernsey; and the foreign labourers, in 2001 (alsothe first Holocaust Memorial Day Holocaust Memorial Day may refer to one of several commemorations of the Holocaust. Yom HaShoah, or Holocaust Remembrance Day, is a secular Jewish holiday observed on 27 Nisan. ) in both Guernsey and Jersey, althoughJersey had had another memorial to this group since 1970, originallyfounded by the crew of a passing Russian ship. The evacuees of Jerseyreceived a plaque in 2006. The reasons for the prolonged period when thesuffering of many victims of the Occupation went uncommemorated arecomplex and multiple; to write it off, as many non-Channel Islandershave done, as 'a denial of a collaborative wartime past' (asimplied by Lennon & Foley 2000: 70-73) is now outdated andsimplistic sim��plism?n.The tendency to oversimplify an issue or a problem by ignoring complexities or complications.[French simplisme, from simple, simple, from Old French; see simple . Post-occupation Cold War politics of the kind described byLagrou (2000: 265) are mostly responsible for the long history ofneglect of the forced and slave workers, for example. Many of theseworkers were Russian or from former Soviet bloc countries. During theCold War, members of the Jersey Communist Party Communist party, in ChinaCommunist party,in China, ruling party of the world's most populous nation since 1949 and most important Communist party in the world since the disintegration of the USSR in 1991. , a Russian navalattache Noun 1. naval attache - a military attache who is a commissioned or warrant officer in a navyarmed forces, armed services, military, military machine, war machine - the military forces of a nation; "their military is the largest in the region"; "the military , anda small sprinkling of local people would attend the annualservice at their memorial; local high-profile dignitaries were notableby their absence until the 1990s. It is true, however, that there is aclear correlation between the number of memorials to minority groups inJersey, and the Island's willingness to discuss the culpability culpability(See: culpable) ofsome in authority during the Occupation. Guernsey, on the other hand,has far fewer memorials and is quieter on the subject. As Winter andSivan (1999) have discussed, acts of remembrance and commemoration cantake many forms, not all of which end with the erection of a plaque ormemorial. These minority groups have been remembered in church services,in prayers, in stories passed down the generations, in artwork(especially that by Jersey artist Edmund Blampied Edmund Blampied (born Jersey 30 March 1886, died Jersey 26 August 1966) was one of the most eminent artists to come from the Channel Islands, yet he received no formal training in art until he was 16 years old. ), represented in theLiberation Day cavalcade cav��al��cade?n.1. A procession of riders or horse-drawn carriages.2. A ceremonial procession or display.3. A succession or series: starred in a cavalcade of Broadway hits. and in theatre performances, and mentioned inmemoirs, TV dramas and books. Some or all of these might, for many,compensate for the lack of memorials. [FIGURE 4 OMITTED] The impetus to erect a memorial can come from many sources.Sometimes they are put up at the cost and request of individuals orgroups, often children of those who were affected, and who are, ineffect, raising a memorial to their parents; at other times, a communityor interest group who themselves suffered might campaign for theerection of a plaque. Sometimes they are erected on the occasion oflarge anniversaries, which can act to remind people how much time haselapsed since the event itself. Often it can simply be to do with thepassing of a necessary amount of time before people can come to termswith or face a past that was excessively traumatic; a time to forget isoften eventually replaced by a time to remember and to record. It could also be argued that the degree of suffering dictates thepecking order pecking orderBasic pattern of social organization within a flock of poultry in which each bird pecks another lower in the scale without fear of retaliation and submits to pecking by one of higher rank. For groups of mammals (e.g. of who receives a plaque. The dominance of the narrativeof sufferings of the Occupation generation dictated that the ordinarycivilians should come first; the (wrongly) perceived lack of sufferingof the evacuees dictated that, by this logic, they should be (and havebeen) remembered last. The degree of problematisation or controversy ofthe group in question can also play a part. Could the Islands'authorities have done more in preventing the deportation of the IslandJews and other Islanders (see Cohen cohenor kohen(Hebrew: “priest”) Jewish priest descended from Zadok (a descendant of Aaron), priest at the First Temple of Jerusalem. The biblical priesthood was hereditary and male. 2000)? Could they have prevented theimprisonment ImprisonmentSee also Isolation.Alcatraz Islandformer federal maximum security penitentiary, near San Francisco; “escapeproof.” [Am. Hist.: Flexner, 218]Altmark, theGerman prison ship in World War II. [Br. Hist. of others? Did they have any choice in their actions? Thesequestions are deemed extremely sensitive, yet still continue in theIslands today, exacerbated by the writing of Bunting (1995), althoughmore recent research has restored the Islands' wartime honour inthat respect (Sanders 2004, 2005; Knowles Smith 2007). The delay infinding satisfactory answers to these difficult questions, and thepotential shame associated with them, could have contributed to the long(and multiple) concentration on the commemoration of liberation of themajority group of Islanders. The rapid increase in memorialisation of the last decade alsocoincides with the final years of many of the Occupation generation andthe realisation that the Occupation is on the edge of living memory. Thestories of that period will soon no longer come from the mouths of thosewho experienced them first hand, and as the once-living legacy dies andbecomes fossilised, so its associated memory becomes captured in stone,in the granite plaques that populate St Helier and St Peter Port. Discussion Because no two people experienced the Occupation in quite the sameway, variables such as place of residence, age, gender, wealth, place insociety and position viz-a-viz the occupiers, make every item of thisperiod unique. Handmade occupation artefacts reflect the unequal powerrelations in these political circumstances and were made to cope withthe experience of being occupied. Some were often made with theexpectation or fear that their makers were being, or could be, observed,and so were ambiguous in meaning, especially if that meaning wasresistant or subversive and connected with preserving identity. This draws a distinction with the mass-produced military materialculture, much of it used for oppression and belonging to the occupiers.This class of objects is relatively standardised and impersonal. Thereis thus a discourse between standardised and unstandardised,mass-produced and unique materiality, the study of which, in thedetailed contexts that we have in the twentieth century, may beilluminating in other periods and places. For example, during the Romanoccupation of Britain, much of the material culture used for inscribingidentity upon the body (such as hairpins and toilet instruments)appeared to have either conformed to a standardised typology typology/ty��pol��o��gy/ (ti-pol��ah-je) the study of types; the science of classifying, as bacteria according to type. typologythe study of types; the science of classifying, as bacteria according to type. (associatedwith a 'Roman' elite identity) or else was non-conformist andunique in design, which seemed to reject the standard 'Roman'identity (Carr 2006: 52-84). Just as in occupied Guernsey, brooches,too, could be used to express a silent resistance against the newcomersin early Roman Britain Roman Britain refers to those parts of the island of Great Britain controlled by the Roman Empire between AD 43 and 410. The Romans referred to their province as Britannia. (Carr 2006: 46-7). The traumatic events that took place in the Channel Islands duringthe Occupation have created many places (only some of which are treatedas 'heritage' today) that are 'repositories of negativememory' i.e. what Meskell (2002: 558) terms 'negativeheritage'. These sites include fortifications that wereconstructed, partly by slave and forced labour, and the camps of theselabourers. Roman Britain, too, has examples of these sites. Did thesoldiers alone build their forts or did they co-opt and coerce the localBritons to help? At Vindolanda, the round houses found within the forthave been interpreted as possibly accommodating conscripted labour,which had to be kept under close supervision (Bidwell 1985:31). Theyhave also been interpreted as remnants of a 'POW' camp(Selkirk 2002). The way that sites of occupation have been treated over time givesus an insight into the way that the local population perceive andcontinue to remember their occupiers and oppressors. Again, we can seeparallels in Roman Britain. When the stonework stonework,term applied to various types of work—that of the lapidary who shapes, cuts, and polishes gemstones or engraves them for seals and ornaments; of the jeweler or artisan who mounts or encrusts them in gold, silver, or other metal; of the stonemason who from Roman forts wasrobbed at the end of the Roman period, was this purely an economical,efficient and unemotional decision to re-use old building materiais, orshould we perhaps see it as a desire to remove and destroy hatedfeatures of oppression and surveillance in the landscape? Attempts weremade to destroy some of the German fortifications in the ChannelIslands, but this was quickly found to be too expensive and difficult. The early Roman period gives us several other examples which can beinterpreted using the concepts of occupation archaeology. This includesthe destruction of cultural heritage, which can be seen most obviouslyin the Roman treatment of some native shrines and temples, such as atThetford (Gregory 1992: 190) or, as Tacitus tells us in his Annals(XIV.30), in Anglesey. Although the cultural heritage of the ChannelIslands did not suffer as much as that of other occupied countries,several monuments were demolished, and concrete fortifications werebuilt into the side of Neolithic tombs in Jersey (at La Hougue Bie La Hougue Bie is a historic site in the Parish of Grouville, Jersey.The site consists of a 20 metre long passage chamber covered by a 12 metre high earth mound. The site was first excavated in 1925 by the Soci��t�� Jersiaise. ) andGuernsey (at Le Creux es Faie). The destruction of cultural heritage has featured prominently inother recent occupations (e.g. van Krieken-Peters 2006; Bajjaly &Stone 2008). Such devastation can have a strong emotional impact on asubject population, both in the present and in the past; we know thatthe burning of the sacred groves in Anglesey was one of the factors thatsparked the Boudican rebellion in AD 61. 'Occupation archaeology' can provide a unique insightinto the individual and collective experience and legacy of militaryoccupation upon a place or people. It recognises the long-term scarsthat occupation can leave upon the psyche, the memory (c.f. Hirsch1996), and the landscape. It examines the repercussions repercussionsnpl → r��percussions fplrepercussionsnpl → Auswirkungen pldown thegenerations; how each generation remembers, commemorates, shapes,recreates, transmits and lives with the inherited legacy, whether or notthey experienced it first hand. With these insights, new interpretationscan be found for understanding earlier periods. Conclusion Occupation archaeology, which acts as both a concept andamethodology, explores the experience of ordinary civilians as well assoldiers in times of war. Through the study of the material culture ofthe occupying forces and the unofficial material it provoked we canrecognise the unequal power relations between the occupiers and theoppressed, and the clandestine attempts to undermine or equalise them.The study also explores the long tail of memory, demonstrating that itcan take up to half a century for a traumatic event A traumatic event is an event that is or may be a cause of trauma. The term may refer to one of the followiong: Traumatic event (physical), an event associated with a physical trauma Traumatic event (psychological), an event associated with a psychological trauma to be faced andremembered in stone. Although an example of occupation from WWII is discussed in thispaper, the concepts and avenues of enquiry of occupation archaeology arebroadly applicable to any past (or future) occupation. However, everyoccupation is unique and varies in terms of restrictions, severity,brutality and length, even those carried out by the same occupier; thusthe subsequent archaeological record and its legacy will also differ(cf. Lagrou 2000). While it has been the aim of this paper to set out the range andscope of occupation archaeology, there are issues that I have notdiscussed here. While discussions of the material culture of resistancehave been presented, there is a corresponding materiality ofcollaboration; other positions along the sliding scale between the twoextremes can also be recognised artefactually. Some material culture canalso be both resistant and collaborative in different contexts. It has also been beyond the scope of this introductory paper todiscuss many other related issues that could fall within the umbrella ofoccupation archaeology. These include the changing nature ofcommemorative celebrations and the role this has on memory and itstransmission. There is also scope for discussion of the role and localacceptability of occupation-related tourism and heritage sites (e.g.Lennon & Foley 2000: 66-76), and whether the time for this haspassed, or whether new life could yet be breathed into it, as hashappened in battlefield tours of the Western Front since the 1970s(Saunders 2002:107). There are other topics that have not been discussed here becausethey did not take place in the Channel Islands, but would be appropriateto incorporate within a Europewide discussion of WWII occupationarchaeology, for example, ghettoisation--and the destruction ofghettos--within the urban landscape, as happened in Warsaw; and therazing of villages and their inhabitants, as took place in Lidice in theCzech Republic and in Oradour-sur-Glane in France, as reprisals for actsof resistance. A third example includes what might be termed'partisan archaeology', where partisans and resistance groupslived in the forests to avoid detection by occupying forces. The huts,shelters and handmade material culture of these communities hold greatscope for further research. While future work could fruitfully examine some of the many issuesoutlined here, especially comparative and parallel case studies withinother occupied countries of WWII, the application of archaeology to bothmore recent and more distant military occupations, ranging from theRoman occupation of Britain to the current occupations of Iraq andAfghanistan, would also prove highly interesting. Such a perspectivewould, undoubtedly, enable us to study the archaeological record from adifferent perspective, or to watch it in its very act of creation. Acknowledgements I would like to thank the British Academy, the McDonald Institutefor Archaeological Research The McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research is a research institute of the University of Cambridge in England. HistoryThe Institute was established in 1990 through a generous benefaction from the late Dr D. M. McDonald, a well-known and successful industrialist. and St Catharine's College, Cambridge,for funding this fieldwork, and the people of the Channel Islands forhelping me with my research and for discussing their attitudes towardstheir occupation heritage, identity and legacy. I would also like tothank Nick Saunders for his encouragement, and Bettina Arnold and theeditor for their comments on this paper. Received: 9 February 2009; Accepted; 1 March 2009; Revised: 27March 2009 References APPADURM, A. 1986. Introduction: commodities and the politics ofvalue, in A. Appadurai (ed.) The social life of things: commodities incultural perspective: 3-63. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Cambridge University Press (known colloquially as CUP) is a publisher given a Royal Charter by Henry VIII in 1534, and one of the two privileged presses (the other being Oxford University Press). . BAJJALY, J.F. & P. STONE. 2008. The destruction of culturalheritage in Iraq. 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