The development of an early suburban industrial district: the Montreal ward of Saint-Ann, 1851-71.

The development of an early suburban industrial district: the Montreal ward of Saint-Ann, 1851-71. Abstract: The conventional description and explanation of industrial locationin the nineteenth century emphasizes the concentration of production inthe city core. In contrast this paper finds that for mid-nineteenthcentury Montreal a significant number of firms were locating on theurban fringe. In a case study of Saint-Ann ward between 1851 and 1871,it is shown that the Lachine canal The Lachine Canal (Canal Lachine in French) is a canal passing through the southwestern part of the Island of Montreal, Quebec, Canada, through the boroughs of Lachine and Le Sud-Ouest. was a powerful magnet attractinglarge-scale, technologically-advance industries. Other factorsaccounting for the development of this peripheral industrial districtwere cyclical change, new technologies, large capital investments,inter-industry linkages, and changes in the organizational structure offirms. Resume Les etudes sur la localisation (programming) localisation - (l10n) Adapting a product to meet the language, cultural and other requirements of a specific target market "locale".Localisation includes the translation of the user interface, on-line help and documentation, and ensuring the images and des entreprises aux dix-neuviemesiecle font habituellement ressortir leur concentration dans la villecentrale. Il apparait toutefois qu'au milieu du siecle la frangeurbaine montrealaise a attire un nombre de firmes assez important. Lapresente etude e��tude?n. Music1. A piece composed for the development of a specific point of technique.2. A composition featuring a point of technique but performed because of its artistic merit. , consacree au quartier Sainte-Anne (1851-1871), montreque la canal de Lachine a exerce un puissant puis��sance?n.Power; might.[Middle English, from Old French, from poissant, powerful, present participle of pooir, to be able; see power. attrait sur lesetablissements industriels de grande taille taille:see tallage. et faisant appel ap��pel?n. SportsA quick stamp of the foot used in fencing as a feint to produce an opening.[French, from appeler, to call, from Old French apeler, to appeal; see a unetechnologie avancee. D'autres facteurs expliquent le developpementde ce quartier industriel peripherique: les cycles economiques, leprogres technique, l'importance des capitaux investis, les liensinter-industriels et l'evolution organisationnele des entreprises. Introduction The primary concern of the historiography historiographyWriting of history, especially that based on the critical examination of sources and the synthesis of chosen particulars from those sources into a narrative that will stand the test of critical methods. of 19th and early20th-century suburban development has been the movement of the middleclass from the city core to the periphery. The suburbanization of theworking class and industry are seen as phenomena that followed later.The movement of industry to the fringe has been perceived as asubsidiary event compared to the concentration of production in the citycore. For most writers the decentralization de��cen��tral��ize?v. de��cen��tral��ized, de��cen��tral��iz��ing, de��cen��tral��iz��esv.tr.1. To distribute the administrative functions or powers of (a central authority) among several local authorities. of industry only becomes animportant feature of the city suburbs after World War I. (1) Recentwork, however, suggests that we have neglected the degree to which theformation of industrial suburban areas were important components of thecity-building process in this period. (2) The purpose of this paper is to examine that interpretation of thelocation of industry. After a brief overview of the two conventionalexplanations of industrial location in the 19th-century city, I willpresent a reformulation of the argument for industrial decentralization.Next, a discussion of Montreal's industrialization industrializationProcess of converting to a socioeconomic order in which industry is dominant. The changes that took place in Britain during the Industrial Revolution of the late 18th and 19th century led the way for the early industrializing nations of western Europe and within thecontext of this reformulation is presented. This is followed by a casestudy of the Lachine canal district in the Saint-Ann ward of Montrealbetween 1851 and 1871. The Lachine canal district was a major pole ofindustrial development in the early 1850s and constituted thecity's first industrial suburban area. (3) The growth of industryon the urban periphery, far from being a characteristic of the 20thcentury, was a product of the restructuring of industry and therearrangement re��ar��range?tr.v. re��ar��ranged, re��ar��rang��ing, re��ar��rang��esTo change the arrangement of.re of the city's geography at mid century. Perspectives on Industrial Suburbs The decentralization of industry from the core to the suburbanfringe has generally been viewed within the framework of two models: thetransportation and the transactional. According to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. the transportationposition, industrial location in the nineteenth century was determinedby the location of transportation nodes and the cost ofintrametropolitan transportation. The location of railway terminals andharbours in or adjacent to the central core is seen as decisive inattracting industry to the city centre. (4) This was reinforced by thefact that intraurban freight transportation was expensive andinefficient compared to the transportation of people. (5) Other factorssuch as the dependence on economies of agglomeration The term economies of agglomeration is used in urban economics to describe the benefits that firms obtain when locating near each other. It is related to the idea of economies of scale and network effects, in that the more related firms that are clustered together, the lower the , the small size ofthe urban market, and the lack of housing compounded the need forindustry to seek a central location. (6) It was only with theintroduction of transportation innovations at the turn of the centurythat industry was freed from a central location. These innovations--thetrolley and the truck--in conjunction with increasing externaldiseconomies (rising land values, traffic congestion The condition of a network when there is not enough bandwidth to support the current traffic load. congestion - When the offered load of a data communication path exceeds the capacity. , and escalatingtaxes), and new production techniques broke the ties of industry to thecentral core and allowed industry to move to the periphery. (7) The second interpretation of the centralization cen��tral��ize?v. cen��tral��ized, cen��tral��iz��ing, cen��tral��iz��esv.tr.1. To draw into or toward a center; consolidate.2. of production hascome from Allan Scott Allan Scott may refer to: Allan Scott (athlete) (born 1982), Scottish hurdler Allan Scott (businessman) (born c. 1928), Australian truck magnate Allan Scott (screenwriter) (1906–1995), American See also: . (8) While arriving at the same conclusion asWarner and others regarding the location of production in the19th-century city, his explanation is more penetrating and provides somevaluable leads to a reformulation of the industrial structure of thecity. He distinguishes two different types of industry in the 19thcentury. The first type--small-scale labour-intensive industry--lackedinternal economies of scale Internal Economies of Scale. An example is when a company is cut in size but the remaining firms still hold the same amount of final output. Therefore the company has become more efficient in production and has experienced internal economies of scale. and involved a fragmented labour process.This resulted in small, specialized units making up a complex ofindependent and 'vertically disintegrated' producers. (9) Theresistance of these industries to mechanization mechanizationUse of machines, either wholly or in part, to replace human or animal labour. Unlike automation, which may not depend at all on a human operator, mechanization requires human participation to provide information or instruction. and the ensuingfragmentation of labour resulted in centrally located complexes ofeconomic activity linked together by external economies of scale. Thesecond type was large-scale, materials-intensive manufacturing in whichinputs were heavy and/or voluminous in comparison to outputs. Thesefirms sought locations close to rail and water transportation facilitieswhere they could minimize the costs of transactions. In Scott'sview both types of industry located centrally, although for differentreasons. Although there is little doubt that the city core was the locus ofindustry and employment throughout the 19th century, recent research byhistorians and geographers raise questions concerning the validity of acore-dominated locational model. A striking example of this is a studyof Baltimore in 1860. While it had six major industrial districts, onlytwo of which were centrally located, four were "located on the edgeof the city's built-up area." Montreal in 1871 was alsocharacterized by the existence of peripheral industrial districts. (10)What these studies suggest is that the mid-19th century city had a morecomplex structure than is generally assumed. It also implies that thereare problems in the explanations provided by the transportation and thetransactional models. I argue that the 19th-century city wascharacterized by a fragmented and cellular industrial geography. Themassive expansion of the world economy alongside the fundamentalreorganization of manufacturing generated a powerful set of impulses forthe restructuring of intra-urban manufacturing location. One aspect ofthis altered landscape was the emergence of peripheral industrialdistricts which co-existed alongside the dominant centrally-locateddistrict. A common failing of the two models is their inability to makeexplicit the connection between the internal structure of cities andexternal pressures. (11) This is particularly evident with regard to thechanges associated with the long wave (Kondratieff cycle). (12) Animportant aspect of the locational base of urban development is themanner in which long-term waves of industrial change flow through thelandscape. In periods of economic growth the large-scale flow of capitalinto urban areas takes the form of large fixed capital outlays as newtechnologies are introduced, existing plants expanded, and new firmscreated. The result is larger firms which are more vertically integratedand less dependent on agglomeration ag��glom��er��a��tion?n.1. The act or process of gathering into a mass.2. A confused or jumbled mass: economies. Alongside these arechanges in the political and social contexts. (13) Especially importanthere is the capacity of local growth alliances to construct a builtenvironment which is conducive to the development of industrial growth.This takes place within a competitive environment with each cityattempting to outdo the others. (14) Thus, at the local scale, theability to tap growth was critical not only to the viability of thecity's long-term economic growth but also to the form its spatialstructure would take. For those cities, such as Montreal, that were ableto capture some of the growth impulses there would be important changesto both the organizational and spatial structures of industry. Associated with major economic expansion is the growth of newindustries. Commonly, these new industries lead all others in rates ofgrowth, technological innovation, capital investment, segmentation ofthe production process and the labour force, and the introduction of newstrategies to control labour. (15) During any period, a group ofindustries are the dominant ones around which industrial accelerationtakes place. It is from these that growth pulses to other industriesoften originate: the impact of new technologies in leading industriescan spill over Verb 1. spill over - overflow with a certain feeling; "The children bubbled over with joy"; "My boss was bubbling over with anger"bubble over, overflowseethe, boil - be in an agitated emotional state; "The customer was seething with anger"2. into others. At the same time, each round of change intechnology and the composition of industrial structure, produces amodification of the relative importance, and of the place of industrieswithin the economic structure. A second problem with the models is that they assume a degree oforganizational homogeneity HomogeneityThe degree to which items are similar. which did not exist in the 19th century. Thetransportation model takes for granted that industry was all of one typeand functioned according to the same rationale. Its neoclassicaleconomic foundations ensure that those cases which do not fit into thecentralized model are seen as marginal. Scott, on the other hand,reduces organizational diversity to two types of industry. Although anadvance on earlier work, all industries which do not fall into one ofhis two categories are, by definition, excluded from analysis. Thepicture he paints of industrial organization is one characterized bymutually exclusive Adj. 1. mutually exclusive - unable to be both true at the same timecontradictoryincompatible - not compatible; "incompatible personalities"; "incompatible colors" spheres where large and small firms function indifferent worlds. A fundamental feature of 19th-century industry, however, was thediversity of organizational structures between and within industries.(16) A formative element of this is that "(d)ifferent products havedifferent production methods with divergent potentials forstandardization, mechanization and other forms of rationalization".(17) Each industry follows a different growth path with its own choiceof technology, labour process, labour force, and scale. Throughout the19th century a number of factors were responsible for the slow anduneven application of technology to production. They included theabundance of labour, the increasing division of labour, technicaldifficulties associated with much of the machinery, inability tomechanize mech��a��nize?tr.v. mech��a��nized, mech��a��niz��ing, mech��a��niz��es1. To equip with machinery: mechanize a factory.2. many parts of the production process, and increasingproductivity through hand technology. (18) The varied character ofindustry manifested itself in a wide range of labour process forms.Different products call for different ways of organizing how they wereto be made. The result was that industries were characterized bydifferent methods with varying degrees of mechanization and skill. Evenwithin the same firm a number of distinct labour processes could bejuxtaposed jux��ta��pose?tr.v. jux��ta��posed, jux��ta��pos��ing, jux��ta��pos��esTo place side by side, especially for comparison or contrast. . In a study of Philadelphia between 1850 and 1880, forexample, five different work environments have been described rangingfrom the small artisan workshop to the large factory. (19) While anindustry may be dominated by large firms, many small, specialized onescan operate on its fringes. (20) Another feature of the organizationaldiversity was that the labour force took on a variety of forms. Newindustries created the need for both skilled and semi-skilled workers.In the older industries, workers either adapted their labour to thechanging situation, moved into newer occupations, or becameoccupationally redundant. What this all suggests is that the locational choices that19th-century industries had available to them were much more diversethan what is accommodated by the transportation and transactionalmodels. Each new burst of economic growth creates new economic space.When this growth occurs alongside radical changes in technologies, thedevelopment of new industries, and the reshaping of the organizationalbasis of industry there will be strong pressures for the development ofnew industrial spaces and the modification of existing ones. There is noa priori a prioriIn epistemology, knowledge that is independent of all particular experiences, as opposed to a posteriori (or empirical) knowledge, which derives from experience. reason for believing that these new spaces have to be centrallylocated. Indeed, the changes associated with an expanding economy andthe restructuring of the social organization of production would have anumber of significant effects on the locational possibilities ofindustries. These include the reformulation of transport costs, thecreation of new labour demands, the transformation of linkage networks,and the change of a firm's space requirements. These changesworking in conjunction with the organizational diversity of industrywould create powerful forces upon a city's industrial geography.The cumulative effect of the dissolution, development and modificationof industries establishes the possibility for changes to the locationallogic of urban industry. A significant degree of the expanding capital investment and manyof the new forms of the social organization of production wereconcentrated in new industries which were large in scale andincorporated new technologies. The economies of scale that theselarge-scale, capital-intensive firms could generate made them lessreliant on centrally-located agglomeration economies and created thepossibility for them to locate in peripheral areas. The outward thrustof these firms would be enhanced by the low land values and largeamounts of space available on the city edge as well as the accompanyingflow of fixed capital into transportation networks and working-classhousing. (21) Furthermore, the establishment of large-scale firms on theperiphery would act as a powerful magnet to firms of all sizes. Whilethe economies of scale that large integrated firms could achieve madethem less reliant on inter-firm linkages, they frequently contracted outwork to smaller firms, and were dependent upon intimate relations withmerchants, financiers, and transport facilities. While large firms tendto have a smaller number of linkages between them and other firms, veryfew firms are integrated to the degree that they have no need forproducts from other firms. Indeed, other factors such as industrialtype, degree of standardization, the extent of spinoffs and the locationof ownership play an important role in the volume of linkages betweenfirms. (22) While large firms may not be heavily dependent upon locallinkages, this is not necessarily the case for small ones. The movementof large firms to the periphery could attract a host of smaller ones.This is especially true in the 19th century when the degree of verticalintegration was relatively incomplete and linkages between firms wereshort distance. (23) In conclusion, discrepancies in empirical work and weaknesses intheory has led us to question the prevailing description andinterpretation of industrial location patterns in the 19th century. Inparticular, the impact of cyclical change, the introduction of newtechnologies and new industries, the creation of large bodies of fixedcapital, the establishment and extension of inter-industry linkages, anda diverse organizational structure can be translated into a variedassortment of locational possibilities. Just how this was achieved inMontreal will be shown through a case-study of Saint-Ann's ward,with particular attention to the Lachine canal area, between 1851 and1871. First, however, an overview of Montreal's development in thisperiod needs to be presented. Industrialization in Montreal, 1851-71 From the late 1840s to the early 1870s Montreal became an importantindustrial centre. Before 1850 Montreal was primarily a commercial citywhose major function was to export primary goods and import manufacturedgoods manufactured goodsnpl → manufacturas fpl; bienes mpl manufacturadosmanufactured goodsnpl → produits manufactur��s. There was a small degree of manufacturing taking place in the1820s and 1830s, but it was not until the late 1840s that industrybecame an important feature of the city's economy. A criticalfactor behind this was the repeal of the corn laws and the navigationact in the 1840s, which forced merchants to seek other profit-makingavenues. (24) From the late 1840s to the early 1870s the world economyexpanded rapidly. (25) With the dismantling of the colonial system,Canada became increasingly integrated into the wider internationaleconomy. From 1850 to 1870 Canada's population rose at an annualrate of 2.1 per cent and exports increased from $17 to $67 million. (26) Concomitant with the expanding national economy was the growth indemand for Montreal's products. At the local scale, the expandingurban population and the declining self-sufficiency of the ruralpopulation of the Montreal plain were critical features underlying thegrowth of the market for both the city's importers and industrialproducers. Montreal's industry supplied a significant share of therapidly growing national demand for shoes, flour, clothing, sugar andmetal goods. For example, it has been estimated that 75 per cent of theshoes worn in Canada in 1872 were manufactured in Montreal. (27) Whileinternational markets in the 1840s were not as important as local andnational markets, they became increasingly important over the period.Markets in the United States United States,officially United States of America, republic (2005 est. pop. 295,734,000), 3,539,227 sq mi (9,166,598 sq km), North America. The United States is the world's third largest country in population and the fourth largest country in area. especially opened to Quebec products. Forexample, two of the city's fur hat manufacturers exported more than75 per cent of their produce while the market for ready-made clothing inthe United States greatly expanded with the Civil War. (28) At the same time as markets were enlarging there was an increasedflow of capital into industry, transportation and communications.Foreign investment in many sectors of the Quebec economy acceleratedindustrial expansion. (29) The tremendous growth of the railway network,centred in Montreal, helped break down local markets and created marketsfor a wide range of products. The establishment of the MontrealTelegraph Company in 1847 further propelled Montreal's commercialand industrial sectors into a wider market: by 1856 the company'srange was over 2,000 miles and connected Montreal to points in Canadaand the United States The United States and Canada share a unique legal relationship. U.S. law looks northward with a mixture of optimism and cooperation, viewing Canada as an integral part of U.S. economic and environmental policy. . (30) At the same time, the capital accumulated byMontreal's bourgeoisie in the colonial commerce system waschannelled into banking, transportation and industry. The shift ofartisans to manufacturers and the arrival of immigrant industrialistsfurther resulted in the accumulation of industrial capital. (31) By the 1850s the basic structure of a capitalistic cap��i��tal��is��tic?adj.1. Of or relating to capitalism or capitalists.2. Favoring or practicing capitalism: a capitalistic country. labour markethad been created in Canada. Two major groups constituted Montreal'sfirst proletariat proletariat(prōlətâr`ēət), in Marxian theory, the class of exploited workers and wage earners who depend on the sale of their labor for their means of existence. . The arrival of unskilled famine Irish and skilledBritish made up the first group. The other consisted of the FrenchCanadians who, dislocated dis��lo��cate?tr.v. dis��lo��cat��ed, dis��lo��cat��ing, dis��lo��cates1. To put out of usual or proper place, position, or relationship.2. from agriculture, streamed into Montreal fromthe surrounding parishes. (32) Both groups formed the basis ofCanada's first urban-industrial labour market. At the same time,women and children became increasingly integrated into the industrialworkforce. In 1871, 33 per cent of the city's labour force werewomen while 25 per cent of all boys between the age of 11 and 14 worked.(33) Central to the rise of Montreal as the primary industrial complexof Canada was its position in the international economy, its capture ofexpanding markets, the massive flow of capital into a number of sectors,and the rise of an industrial labour force. Fundamental changes werealso occurring in the organizational structure of the city'sindustry. An outstanding feature of Montreal's growth that wasassociated with the expansion after the late 1840s was the growing scaleof firms across a wide range of industries. Although the 1871 censusgives a mean of 19 workers and capital investment of $10,100 per firm,averages hide the large scale of some firms. Industries such as sugarrefining, flour milling, brewing, engine building, and cotton werecharacterized by a large number of workers and huge capital investment.The locomotive works of the Grand Trunk Railway Grand Trunk RailwayEarly Canadian railway line, incorporated in 1852–53 to connect the key cities of eastern Canada with Portland, Me. By completing its final link in July 1853 between Montreal and Portland, it became North America's first international railroad. employed 790 workers in1871. (34) Canada Rubber, established in 1853 in the east end, employed158 workers in five buildings worth more than $55,000 in 1856. By 1871the number of employees had risen to 370 and it was producing almost650,000 pairs of rubber boots and shoes annually. (35) Even in somesectors that were small in size, certain firms were large. The fur andhat factory of Green and Son, established in 1832, employed 177 workersin 1856 (mainly women) and had capital of $60,000 invested in its fourstorey building in the heart of Montreal. (36) In the wave of economic growth that swept Montreal in the 1850s theprimary sectors of growth were the food processing Food processing is the set of methods and techniques used to transform raw ingredients into food for consumption by humans or animals. The food processing industry utilises these processes. , metal, shoe andtransportation equipment sectors. These sectors were transformed throughthe introduction of new technologies or the restructuring of the socialorganization of production. Moreover, the ability of Montreal'sindustrialists and merchants to tap the growth of both local andnon-local markets added to the general cumulative process. In terms of value the sugar industry was one of the leading sectorsby 1871. Montreal had two plants. The larger was Redpath Sugar Redpath Sugar was established as the Canada Sugar refining Co. in 1854 in Montreal, Quebec, Canada by Scots-Quebecer entrepreneur, John Redpath (1796-1869). Located on the bank of the Lachine Canal, the giant complex was the first of its kind in Canada, producing sugar from , whichwas established in 1855, and took the lead as the largest factory in thecity. In 1867 the two sugar companies together had capital of over $1million, while in 1871 they employed 339 workers and accounted for 12per cent of the city's total value of production. (37) The flourindustry, likewise stimulated by the rising demands in national andinternational markets in the late 1840s, was extremely capital-intensiveand five firms accounted for over 6 per cent of the city's totalvalue in 1871. (38) The shoe industry Noun 1. shoe industry - an industry that manufactures and sells shoesindustry - the people or companies engaged in a particular kind of commercial enterprise; "each industry has its own trade publications" which had been undergoing anincreasing division of labour for a number of decades, quicklymechanized mech��a��nize?tr.v. mech��a��nized, mech��a��niz��ing, mech��a��niz��es1. To equip with machinery: mechanize a factory.2. in the 1850s. By 1871 a small number of firms controlled alarge proportion of the industry's production. (39) The metalworking industry had a long history in Montreal. Established inconjunction with ship building in the second decade of the 19th century,it experienced dramatic growth after 1851. By 1871, the metal sector washighly diverse, ranging from small specialized machine shops throughnail factories, lead pipe firms to large rolling mills. Much of thegrowth was based on the expansion of the transportation equipment sectorwhich appeared in the early 1850s. The Grand Trunk Railway shops atPoint Saint-Charles were Canada's first large-scale, verticallyintegrated production A farming system that produces high quality food and other products by using natural resources and regulating mechanisms to replace polluting inputs and to secure sustainable farming. site. (40) While the period saw a dramatic growth of large and mechanizedfirms, it cannot be said that the large-scale factory dominatedMontreal's industrial landscape. There was a juxtaposition ofartisan shop and factory. There was wide variation between industries interms of capital, number of employees, technology, labour process, andthe labour force. Some industries such as clothing, baking and cooperingremained relatively unmechanized and small in scale while others such asflour, sugar, rolling stock rolling stockAny of various readily movable transportation equipment such as automobiles, locomotives, railroad cars, and trucks. Rolling stock generally makes good collateral for loans because the equipment is standardized and easily transportable among , and brewing underwent mechanization andstandardization and were large in scale. (41) Even within industrialsectors there were enormous differences between firms. In 1871 thelargest seventeen firms in the shoe industry (14 per cent of allestablishments) accounted for 70 per cent of employees and 82 per centof the shoes produced. (42) One of the factors behind the divergenceamong industries was the uneven application of technology. In the flourindustry the introduction of the Hungarian and roller processes wasinstrumental in determining its scale and concentration. Theintroduction of packing technology from Chicago in the 1850s was astrong incentive in the growth of Canada's meat packing industry The meat packing industry is an industry that handles the slaughtering, processing and distribution of animals such as cattle, pigs, sheep and other livestock.The industry is primarily focused on producing meat for human consumption, but it also yields a variety of .In the rubber industry large-scale manufacturing was made possible bythe introduction of vulcanization vulcanization(vŭl'kənəzā`shən), treatment of rubber to give it certain qualities, e.g., strength, elasticity, and resistance to solvents, and to render it impervious to moderate heat and cold. and other processes. (43) Within an industry and even within a firm, production was carriedout by a variety of production systems. In the city's type foundry a place for the manufacture of type.See also: Type ,for example, a cast type machine formed the basic shape, but boys brokeoff the 'jets' and girls smoothed the surfaces. (44) The shoeindustry displayed an increasing division of labour. The making of shoeswas relatively simple: it was the the breaking-up of production into anincreasing number of steps that underlay the transformation. (45) In thefoundry and machine shops, moulders and machinists, because of theirindispensible skills and the difficulty of introducing machinery in manyaspects of production, "tended to work on their own." (46) The industrial labour force was segmented by gender and ethnicity.In industries such as clothing, shoes, tobacco, textiles, and rubber,women accounted for at least half of the work force. Various studieshave shown that Montreal's economy was differentiated along thelines of ethnicity. French-Canadians and the Irish constituted the bulkof workers in the unskilled and semiskilled sem��i��skilled?adj.1. Possessing some skills but not enough to do specialized work: semiskilled dockworkers.2. Requiring limited skills: a semiskilled job. sectors of industry whilethe British and Americans dominated the skilled sectors. (47) By the 1870s Montreal had become the preeminent industrial centreof Canada. A central feature of this growth was the ability ofMontreal's commercial and industrial elite to link the city'seconomic structures to the expansion of the world economy. At the sametime, the organization of industry underwent massive changes. Thisrevision took the form of increasing firm scale, the introduction of newindustries or the fundamental restructuring of old ones, and theintroduction of a wide range of technologies, skill opportunities andproduction systems. The industrial changes were associated with thereshaping of the city's industrial geography. The new economicconfiguration established new locational possibilities. An outstandingexample of this was Saint-Ann ward, especially the Lachine canal area,which very swiftly became the focus for much of this new growth. Saint-Ann Ward and the Lachine Canal, 1851-71 The 20 years following the depression of the 1840s were extremelyimportant ones in the industrial history of Montreal The human history of Montreal, located in Quebec, Canada, spans some 8,000 years and started with the Algonquin, Huron, and Iroquois tribes of North America. Jacques Cartier became the first European to reach the area now known as Montreal in 1535 when he entered the village of . A central elementof the city's rapid industrial growth was the development ofmanufacturing alongside the Lachine canal in Saint-Ann's ward (See.Figure 1). Very quickly the ward's industrial and spatial characterwas transformed. A technologically-advanced, hydraulically-based,energy-intensive form of production was superimposed su��per��im��pose?tr.v. su��per��im��posed, su��per��im��pos��ing, su��per��im��pos��es1. To lay or place (something) on or over something else.2. upon small-scaleartisanal production. Concomitant with this industrial transformationwas a reorganization of its geography, as the Lachine canal on thefringe On The Fringe is a popular Pakistani television show on Indus Music. It is hosted and scripted by the eccentric television host and music critic, Fasi Zaka and directed by Zeeshan Pervez. of the built-up area became the locus of the new form ofproduction. (48) [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] The development of the Lachine canal, in conjunction with the boomstarting in the late 1840s, transformed the nature of Saint-Ann'sindustry. Prior to this, the ward was characterized by a "small andindividualized in��di��vid��u��al��ize?tr.v. in��di��vid��u��al��ized, in��di��vid��u��al��iz��ing, in��di��vid��u��al��iz��es1. To give individuality to.2. To consider or treat individually; particularize.3. craft system of production," with an embryonicindustrial base centred on machinery and steam power. (49) As early as1831, a writer in the Montreal Gazette stated that Griffintown, theoriginal core of the ward, "has more machinery in operation withinits limits than any other portion of Montreal." (50) The EagleFoundry, for example, had an assortment of turning lathes, grind stones,and trip hammers, all powered by an eight horsepower engine. Other firmsemploying both machinery and steam power included another foundry, anail factory, an oil manufactory, a comb manufactory, a soap and candleworks, a tannery, four flour mills, and a smut mill a machine for cleansing grain from smut.See also: Smut . Nonetheless, thesmall artisan shop, employing a journeyman or two was the principal formof production. From these early beginnings, Saint-Ann was to experience tremendouschanges in the scale of industry. As Table 1 shows, in 20 years thenumber of firms in the ward almost tripled from 64 to 176. (51) Moreimportant than the number of firms was the increasing scale. The medianannual rent rose from $60 in 1851 to $144 in 1871, while the aggregateincreased more than sevenfold. A more detailed description is shown inTable 2. In 1851, 86 per cent of all firms had rents lower than $300while 20 years later this had declined to 62 per cent. (52) In Figure 2,the 15 largest firms in 1851 and 1871 are shown. (53) Over the 20 yearsthe importance of Griffintown declined as the Lachine canal became thefocus of many of the largest firms. It was enterprises such as Bartleyand Dunbar's St. Lawrence Engine Works located at the Canal basinthat were responsible for this dramatic growth. Their 160 men andapprentices manufactured boilers, engines, iron and brass castings, andmillwork in a large factory composed of a smith's shop, a boilershop, a foundry, a pattern shop, and a finishing shop. The centre pieceof Redpath's sugar refinery, another large canal plant, was the"main" building, a seven storey stone and brick edifice thatcould produce 6,000 barrels of refined sugar monthly. (54) One historian estimates that between 1847 and 1854, a sum of $2million was invested in the ward's industry, 2000 jobs werecreated; and about 30 factories established. (55) Impetus for this wasthe large capital investment made by outside entrepreneurs and loansextended by Canadian banks. Skilled labour from Britain and the UnitedStates, and unskilled labour from Ireland and the countrysidesurrounding Montreal also stimulated development. Take the case of thecotton cloth factory of F.W. Harris located at St. Gabriel locks. In themanufacture of "seamless bags and denims", he employed 70workers, "nearly all women and children". On the other hand,the moulders employed in Saint-Ann's foundries whose work"require(d) great skill" were essential to the manufacture ofcastings. (56) The state was also important as it not only offeredindustrialists what Tulchinsky has termed "beneficientencouragement", but it also heavily subsidized the reconstructionof the Lachine canal whose hydraulic power provided a growth pole forlarge-scale industry. (57) The ability of Saint-Ann's manufacturersto capture a growing share of national and international markets playeda large role too. For example, William Allen's chair factoryproduced "chiefly for home consumption" and his chairs were"fast superseding those of American manufacture." Thethreshing threshingor thrashing,separation of grain from the stalk on which it grows and from the chaff or pod that covers it. The first known method was by striking the reaped ears of grain with a flail. machine manufacturer, B.P. Paige, stated that "there isincreased demand both for home consumption and export, and the businessis steadily increasing." (58) [FIGURE 2 OMITTED] Despite the increasing size of firms, Saint-Ann's industrialstructure was characterized by a diversity of scale, industry, andtechnological organization. Even when large capital investments wereflowing into Redpath's sugar refinery or Gould's flour mill, alarge number of small and medium-size firms dotted the ward'slandscape. The variety of scale is shown in Table 2. In 1871, forexample, almost 40 per cent of the ward's firms had rents less than$100, almost 48 per cent between $100 and $799, and 14 per cent over$800. The development of large-scale firms in leading sectors did notdiscourage the growth of smaller firms. The coexistence of small andlarge were in fact inseparable aspects of the development of Saint-Ann. Another feature of Saint-Ann's industry was the diversity ofindustries. Table 3 shows that in 1851, 54 (84 per cent) of theward's firms belonged to the food, metal, chemical, and woodindustries. Only 119 (68 per cent) did 20 years later. (59) Althoughthese industries' share of the aggregate rent only marginallydecreased over the period (from 87 per cent to 84 percent), there wasincreasing diversity. Many new firms in other industries sprung up.Textile, boot and shoe, broom, clothing, and tobacco factories becameincreasingly common. They were, however, generally smaller in size thanthose in the dominant industries. At the same time, the four majorindustries were characterized by great variety. In the food industry in1871, seven flour mills, breweries and a sugar refinery had an averagerent of over $4,000, while the 13 bakeries and confectionery confectionery,delicacies or sweetmeats that have sugar as a principal ingredient, combined with coloring matter and flavoring and often with fruit or nuts. In the United States it is usually called candy, in Great Britain, sweets or boiled sweets. makersaveraged only $107. In this period the water and steam powered mills replaced "thevarious artisan boutiques and manually-powered shops as the moretechnically advanced form of enterprise." (60) Despite this, theform of industrial production taking place was characterized by thecoexistence of different inputs of machinery. The metal industry in 1861is a good example of this. The 42 firms that made up the industry had amedian rent of $160. At one end of the spectrum, foundries, nailfactories, rolling mills, lead pipe makers, and threshing machinemanufacturers were large in scale and employed newer technology anddifferent forms of labour. In 1871 the five nail factories along thecanal were producing over 90 per cent of Canada's output.Technological advances and vertical integration are greatly responsiblefor this. Two of the nail manufacturers in the late 1850s, in order tomanufacture nail plate iron in plates from which cut nails are made.See also: Nail , built rolling mills and introduced puddling puddling:see Henry Cort. furnaces in the early 1860s. The skilled employees in RobertScott's edge tool works in 1856 worked with a vast assortment ofmachines: trip hammers, polishing frames, auger lathes, grind stonesjammers, a friction wheel (Mach.) one of the wheels in frictional gearing. See under Frictional.See also: Friction , an oval lathe lathe(lāth), machine tool for holding and turning metal, wood, plastic, or other material against a cutting tool to form a cylindrical product or part. It also drills, bores, polishes, grinds, makes threads, and performs other operations. , a circular saw, a woodpolishing machine. (61) At the other extreme, 19 blacksmiths as well as an assortment ofspike makers, machinists, platers, lock makers, scale makers, and filecutters were small in scale and either specialized in particular marketniches or operated on the fringes of larger firms. Unlike the foundriesand nail factories, these establishments did not employ much, if any,motive power or machinery. Hand work still was the predominant form ofproduction. The well-developed character of technology in other industries isalso evident among the firms established in Saint-Ann. In thewood-processing industry, it has been alleged that Canada was moretechnologically advanced than that of the United States. (62) JamesShearer's sash and door factory located close to Redpath'srefinery produced doors, sashes, blinds, mouldings, and architraves with"ingenious machinery" which "do very much of thework." The manufacture of putty and paints in the chemical factoryof Lyman, Clare and Company was "performed by powerfulmachinery." The Commissioners of Public Works public workspl.n.Construction projects, such as highways or dams, financed by public funds and constructed by a government for the benefit or use of the general public.Noun 1. report of 1856indicates that the firms along the Lachine, without exception, employeda wide variety of modern machinery. (63) By 1871 Saint-Ann can be described as a complex of linked, diverse,and horizontally disintegrated firms. Linkages extended withinindustries and between industries and firms of different sizes. JohnMcDougall's foundry manufactured railway car wheels that must havefound their way to the Grand Trunk Railway shops in Point Saint-Charles.Coopers provided barrels and kegs for all trades, and blacksmithsapplied their skills in carriagemaking. In 1876, George Drummond told agovernment committee that the Redpath sugar refinery indirectly employedat least 75 workers in such trades as coopering and carting besides the300 employees in the refinery proper. Shearer's sash and doorfactory built its mouldings and much of its other woodwork for steamship steamship,watercraft propelled by a steam engine or a steam turbine.Early Steam-powered ShipsMarquis Claude de Jouffroy d'Abbans is generally credited with the first experimentally successful application of steam power to navigation; in 1783 his builders. George Brush's Eagle Foundry manufactured nearly all thesteam engines used in the vicinty's steamers. (64) Saint-Ann's firms were not only connected by direct linkages:the existence of a diverse labour force also played a major role. In the20 years following 1851, the ward's population more than doubled.The 7,455 people living there in 1850 had climbed to nearly 19,000 in1871. (65) The vast number were employed in the surrounding factoriesand workshops. (66) In 1861 more than 90 per cent of all household headswere manual workers. The ward had concentrations of workers in skilledoccupations such as machinists, moulders and coopers. A large number ofthese skilled workers were from Britain and the United States. There wasalso a large number of unskilled workers: labourers accounted for morethan one-third of the ward's household heads. To the north ofSaint-Ann, in the southern part of Saint-Antoine, there were alsosubstantial numbers of workers. A large number were FrenchCanadians.(67) With this large and varied labour pool to draw on, anessential component of production was met. The radical changes taking place in the industrial character ofSaint-Ann went hand in hand with the reorganization of the location ofindustry. Although Griffintown had been the traditional manufacturingcore, in the mid-1840s a new set of firms--larger and morecapital-intensive--would locate on the rural fringe of both the ward andthe city. At the time of the redevelopment of the canal in the mid-1840sthe land of the Saint-Sulphician seminary bordering the Lachine canalwas still being used for "the leasing of pasture, the sale of farmproduce, and the use of farm workers and horses to haul firewood".(68) According to the Royal Commission of 1887 looking into the leasingof water power at the Lachine canal, "at the date (1851) of thelease of the power at ... (Saint-Gabriel) lock, it was at the outskirtsof the city". (69) In the first years of the recovery from the depression of the 1840sthe industrial face of Saint-Ann was transformed. The establishment oflarge-scale mills, first at the canal basin and later at Saint-Gabriellocks, created an industrial district that mirrored the break with thepre-industrial past. It was during the early years of the 1850s when theshape of the new geography was created. (70) The ward's 64 firms of1851 were concentrated in Griffintown. As Table 4 indicates,Griffintown's 47 firms (73 per cent) accounted for more more thanhalf of the ward's total rent. They were generally small in scale,although some larger establishments such as the gas company ($1,000) andGeorge Brush's Eagle Foundry ($800) existed. Along Notre Dame Notre Dame IPA: [nɔtʁ dam]is French for Our Lady, referring to the Virgin Mary. In the United States of America, Notre Dame street, the major commercial artery, were a dozen small manufacturingfirms catering largely to a retail trade: two bakeries, two saddlers,and four cabinet makers. The western part of the ward along the canalwas yet little developed. In the west end lay Cantin's ship yard,while a flour mill, a foundry, and two nail factories were located onMill street. What is of interest, as it points to future developments,is that these firms were larger and more technologically advanced thanother firms in the city. (71) The Lachine area over the next five years underwent a massiveinfusion of capital investment. From five firms with an aggregate rentof $3,000 in 1851, the area had 29 firms with an aggregate rent of$21,960. Its share of the ward's total rent rose from 25 per centto 62 per cent. Firms such as Montreal Rubber ($800), Ostell's sawmill ($1,040), Redmond's foundry ($600), and Redpath's sugarrefinery ($4,000) appeared, and existing firms expanded: rent on Gilbertand Bartley's foundry rose from $280 to $1,000, on Ira Goulds'flour mill from $1,200 to $3,000, and on Peck's nail factory from$320 to $960. As a result, the median rent for establishments along thecanal rose to $500, more than four times the city median. The Lachinearea, however, was not homogeneous: large flour mills, foundries andnail factories dominated the landscape along Mill street, while at theSaint-Gabriel locks firms were smaller and more diversified. (72)Nonetheless, the establishments along the Lachine canal can bedistinguished from those of Griffintown and Notre Dame by their scaleand organization. (73) This dramatic burst of industrialization was not to be repeated. Inthe 15 years following 1856 there was a steady growth in the number offirms and volume of rent, but it was never to equal the development inthe previous five years (See. Table 1). The Lachine area, however,remained the locational core of the city's large-scale andtechnologically-advanced firms. (74) Although its share of theward's total rent declined to half by 1871, the number of firmslocated there increased, and their scale of operations remained largerelative to Saint-Ann and the rest of the city. (75) There wasremarkable continuity in the Lachine area during the period. Nearly allthe 1856 firms were still there in 1871. While some remained as they hadin 1856, others changed hands. The initial development had centered on afew industries, mainly flour milling, metal and woodworking, but by 1871had diversified: large-scale chemical, textile, leather, and clothingmills clustered along the banks of the canal. Underpinning the large-scale industrial growth in the Lachine areawas the construction of a built environment amenable to the new economicorder. Central to this was the leasing of hydraulic sites along thecanal by the government and the Saint-Sulphician seminary. In 1844 thegovernment commissioned a plan to lay out hydraulic lots at the CanalBasin close to where the canal emptied into the Saint-Lawrence River. By1856, 20 sites had been leased, mainly to metal and milling concerns. In1851 the five lots at Saint-Gabriel locks, further down the canal, wereleased as a whole to John Young, a grain and wholesale merchant, and IraGould, a miller. They were shortly joined as partners by John Ostell John Ostell (7 August 1813 – 6 April 1892) architect[1], surveyor and manufacturer, was born in London England and emigrated to Canada in 1834, where he apprenticed himself to a Montreal surveyor Andr�� Trudeau to learn French methods of surveying. andJacob DeWitt. Gould, Ostell and DeWitt were all active in manufacturingalong the canal. They subdivided the original five lots into 20 andsubleased them to other manufacturers. By 1856 most of the new,large-scale firms of the previous ten years were built at Canal Bank andSaint-Gabriel locks. (76) At the same time as the government was leasing lots along thecanal, the seminary, forced by the Ordinance of 1840, was selling offits Saint-Gabriel domain. The seminary's first strategy was to sellsubdivisions to manufacturers. Although this was generally unsuccessful,and they eventually turned to housing subdivisions, the sale of seminaryland to the Young clique (mathematics) clique - A maximal totally connected subgraph. Given a graph with nodes N, a clique C is a subset of N where every node in C is directly connected to every other node in C (i.e. C is totally connected), and C contains all such nodes (C is maximal). in the early 1850s resulted in the expansion ofthe hydraulic locks at Saint-Gabriel locks. (77) The industrialdevelopment that occurred along the Lachine Canal did not triggerimmediate full-scale residential development. The opening-up of theSaint-Gabriel Domain by the Seminary of Montreal for residentialconstruction after 1854 added some housing south of the canal. Between1854 and 1874, 439 individuals bought lots. Most of them were Irish whoworked in the surrounding industrial establishments. (78) Griffintownand the neighbouring western section north of the canal remained,however, the core of residence for most of the ward's population.In 1861 only 13 per cent (341 households) lived south of the canal.Although this had increased to 1443 households by 1881, most of thepopulation increase occurred during the housing boom of the 1870s. (79) Conclusion This paper provides evidence that urban peripheral industrialdistricts were in existence from as early as the mid-nineteenth century.This fact suggests that the explanation for the growth of industry onthe periphery needs to extend past the arguments advocated by thetransportation and transactional perspectives. The answer lies, it hasbeen argued, in the manner in which a number of features interlocked.These include cyclical change, new technology and new industries, flowsof fixed capital, linkages, and organizational structure. The broadrange of possibilities and constraints under which industries operatedcreated a diverse array of locational choices. The concentration ofproduction in the city core is but one case. It has been argued herethat a configuration of forces in the mid-19th century also created thepossibility for the development of another: the industrial suburb. One such industrial suburb was Saint-Ann. The growth of industryalong the Lachine canal during the boom years following the depressionof the 1840s was a major break with the past. Firms were large in scale,energy-intensive, incorporating new organizational structures and labourprocesses, and utilizing modern machinery. They also located in a newpart of town. The development along the canal represented a major changefrom the concentration of industry in the core area. A decisive elementin the formation of a new industrial district was the availability ofthe Lachine canal's hydraulic power after the mid 1840s. The roleof the state and the activity of land developers and manufacturers wereinstrumental in making the industrialization of the canal possible. Atthe same time, rising land prices and the scale of operations of the newfirms must have played a role in the manufacturers' decisions. Wemust not, however, view these decisions outside of the processes at workat the international and national levels. The growinginternationalization The support for monetary values, time and date for countries around the world. It also embraces the use of native characters and symbols in the different alphabets. See localization, i18n, Unicode and IDN. internationalization - internationalisation of the world economy, changes wrought intechnologies, the scale of capital investments, and the strategies ofMontreal's merchants to overcome the crisis associated with thedismantling of the colonial economy were important factors in thecreation of industry along the Lachine canal. Throughout the rest of thecentury Saint-Ann would remain an important industrial area of Montreal.It would, however, decline in relative importance and other peripheralareas such as Saint-Henri and Maisonneuve would become importantsuburban industrial districts. (80) Notes I would like to thank Sherry Olson and three anonymous referees fortheir comments on an earlier draft of this paper. 1. K.T. Jackson, Crabgrass crabgrass,name for any of several grass species of the genera Digitaria, Eleusine, and Panicum, especially the species D. sanguinalis. Crabgrass is a common lawn weed, especially in the S and E United States. Frontier: the Suburbanization of theUnited States (New York New York, state, United StatesNew York,Middle Atlantic state of the United States. It is bordered by Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and the Atlantic Ocean (E), New Jersey and Pennsylvania (S), Lakes Erie and Ontario and the Canadian province of : Oxford University Press, 1985); P.O. Muller,Contemporary Suburban America (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1981);S.B. Warner, The Private City (Philadelphia: University of PennsylvaniaPress The University of Pennsylvania Press (or Penn Press) was originally incorporated with the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania on 26 March 1890, and the imprint of the University of Pennsylvania Press first appeared on publications in the closing decade of the nineteenth , 1968). 2. E.K. Muller and P.A. Groves, "The emergence of industrialdistricts in mid-nineteenth century Baltimore", GeographicalReview The Geographical Review is an academic journal of the American Geographical Society. Currently published quarterly in January, April, July, and October, the first issue was printed in 1916. , 69, (1979), 159-178; M. Bellavance and J-D. Gronoff, "Lesstructures de l'espace montrealais a l'epoque de laconfederation", Cahiers de Geographie de Quebec, 24, (1980),362-383. See P.A. Wood, "Urban manufacturing: a view from thefringe" in J.H. Johnson (ed.), Suburban Growth: GeographicalProcesses at the Edge of the Western City (London: Wiley, 1974). 129-154for an interpretation of industrial decentralization as an on-goingprocess. 3. By suburban I do not mean an area that is necessarily outside ofthe city. Conceptually, suburban areas provide certain advantages anddisadvantages in comparison to the city core regardless of whether theyare within the municipal limits or not. By suburban I am referring tothe dynamic process of development and change occurring on the edge ofthe existing built-up area. 4. Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 113-115. 5. R.L. Fales and L.N. Moses, "Land-use theory and the spatialstructure of the nineteenth-century city", Papers of the RegionalScience Association, 28 (1972), 49-80. 6. Ibid.: Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier; Muller, ContemporarySuburban America; A.R. Pred, "The intrametropolitan location ofAmerican manufacturing", Annals of the American Association ofGeographers, 54, (1964), 165-180; D. Ward, Cities and Immigrants (NewYork: Oxford University Press, 1971); Warner, The Private City. 7. Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 183-184; Muller, ContemporarySuburban America, 30-88; Pred, "The intrametropolitanlocation", 169-170. 8. Over the last decade Allen Scott has published a great number ofpapers that deal with the internal structure of the city. His recentbook, Metropolis: From the Division of Labor to Urban Form (Berkeley:University of California Press "UC Press" redirects here, but this is also an abbreviation for University of Chicago PressUniversity of California Press, also known as UC Press, is a publishing house associated with the University of California that engages in academic publishing. , 1988) summarizes this work. 9. Definitions and discussion of vertical integration anddisintegration, and horizontal integration Horizontal IntegrationWhen a company expands its business into different products that are similar to current lines.Notes:For example, a hot dog vendor expanding into selling hamburgers. Compare this to vertical integration.See also: Vertical Integration and disintegration can befound in Scott, Metropolis, 35-37, 41-43, 209. 10. Muller and Groves, "The emergence of industrialdistricts", 178; Bellavance and Gronoff "Les structures del'espace montrealais". For similar findings for Philadelphiasee S. Greenberg, "Industrial location and ethnic residentialpatterns in an industrializing city: Philadelphia, 1880" in T.Hershberg (ed.), Philadelphia: Work, Space, Family and Group Experiencein the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981),204-232 and P. Scranton, Proprietary Capitalism: The Textile Manufactureat Philadelphia, 1800-1885 (New York: Cambridge University Press Cambridge University Press (known colloquially as CUP) is a publisher given a Royal Charter by Henry VIII in 1534, and one of the two privileged presses (the other being Oxford University Press). , 1983). 11. For an exception to this see Allan Pred's work on the U.S.urban system in The Spatial Dynamics of U.S. Urban-Industrial Growth,1880-1914: Interpretive and Theoretical Essays (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press,1966). 12. C. Freeman, (ed.) Design, Innovation and Long Cycles inEconomic Development (New York: St Martin's Press, 1986); D.M.Gordon, R. Edwards and M. Reich, Segmented Work, Divided Workers (NewYork: Cambridge University Press, 1982); E. Mandel, Late Capitalism In his work Late Capitalism Ernest Mandel argues for three periods in the development of capitalism. First is market capitalism, which occurred from 1700 to 1850 and is characterized largely by the growth of industrial capital in domestic markets. (London: New Left Books, 1975) and Long Waves in Capitalist Development(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980). 13. Gordon, Edwards and Reich, Segmented Work; D.M. Kotz,"Long waves and social structures of accumulation: a critique andreinterpretation re��in��ter��pret?tr.v. re��in��ter��pret��ed, re��in��ter��pret��ing, re��in��ter��pretsTo interpret again or anew.re ", Review of Radical Political Economies, 19,(1987), 16-38. 14. K.R. Cox and A. Mair, "Locality and community in thepolitics of local economic development", Annals of the Associationof American Geographers The Association of American Geographers (AAG) is an educational and scientific society aimed at advancing the understanding of, study of, and importance of geography and related fields. , 78 (1988), 307-325; D. Harvey, The Limits toCapital (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1982), chap. 13; J.R. Logan and H.L.Molotch, Urban Fortunes: the Political Economy of Place (Berkeley:University of California Press, 1987). 15. M. Storper, "Technology and spatial production relations:disequilibrium disequilibrium/dis��equi��lib��ri��um/ (dis-e?kwi-lib��re-um) dysequilibrium.linkage disequilibrium , interindustry relationships, and industrialdevelopment" in M. Castells (ed.), High Technology, Space andSociety (Beverley Hills: Sage, 1985), 265-283 and "Big structures,small events and large processes in economic geography",Environment and Planning The Environment and Planning journals are four influential academic journals. They are described as as 'interdisciplinary', though they have a highly spatial focus, meaning that they are often of most interest to human geographers. A, 20, (1988), 165-185. 16. B. Laurie and M. Schmitz, "Manufacture and productivity:the making of an industrial base, Philadelphia, 1850-1880" inHershberg (ed.), Philadelphia, 43-93; I. McKay, "Capital and labourin the Halifax baking and confectionery industry during the last half ofthe nineteenth century" in T.Traves (ed.), Essays in CanadianBusiness Canadian Business is the longest-publishing business magazine in Canada. It was founded in 1928 as The Commerce of the Nation, the organ of the Canadian Chamber of Commerce. The magazine was renamed Canadian Business in 1933. History (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1984), 47-87; R.Samuel, "Workshop of the world: steam power and hand technology inmid-Victorian Britain", History Workshop, 3, (1977), 6-72. 17. M. Storper and R. Walker, "The theory of labor and thetheory of location", International Journal of Urban and RegionalResearch, 7, (1983), 25. See R. Walker, "Technologicaldetermination and determinism: industrial growth and location" inCastells (ed), High Technology, 226-264 and the "The geographicalorganization of production-systems", Environment and Planning D, 6(1988), 377-408 for a discussion of the relationship between locationand the differences in the way that production is structured. 18. Samuel, "Workshop of the world", 49-57. 19. Laurie and Schmitz, "Manufacture and productivity",53-65. See also the study of Halifax's baking industry in McKay,"Capital and labour". 20. J.H. Soltow, "Origins of small business and therelationships between large and small firms: metal fabricating andmachinery making in New England New England,name applied to the region comprising six states of the NE United States—Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut. The region is thought to have been so named by Capt. , 1890-1957" in S.W. Bruchey (ed.),Small Business in American Life (New York: Columbia University Press Columbia University Press is an academic press based in New York City and affiliated with Columbia University. It is currently directed by James D. Jordan (2004-present) and publishes titles in the humanities and sciences, including the fields of literary and cultural studies, ,1980), 192-211. 21. Scott, Metropolis. I have pointed to the existence ofperipheral working-class districts next to factory districts innineteenth-century Montreal in "The segregated city: classresidential patterns and the development of industrial districts inMontreal, 1861 and 1901", Journal of Urban History, 16, (1991), 2. 22. M.J. Hagey and E.J. Malecki, "Linkages in high technologyindustries: a Florida case study", Environment and Planning A, 18,(1986), 1477-1498; A. Glasmeier, "Factors governing the developmentof high tech industry agglomerations: a tale of three cities The Three Cities is a collective description of the three fortified cities of Cospicua, Vittoriosa, and Senglea on the Island of Malta, which are enclosed by the massive line of fortification created by the Knights of St John, the Cottonera Lines. ",Regional Studies, 22, (1988), 287-301. 23. A.G. Hoare, "Industrial linkage studies" in M.Pacione (ed.), Progress in Human Geography Human geography, is a branch of geography that focuses on the study of patterns and processes that shape human interaction with the environment, with particular reference to the causes and consequences of the spatial distribution of human activity on the Earth's surface. , (London: Croom Helm, 1985),40-81. 24. J. Hamelin and Y. Roby, Histoire Economique du Quebec,1851-1896 (Montreal: Fides, 1971); G. Tulchinsky, The River Barons(Toronto: University of Toronto Research at the University of Toronto has been responsible for the world's first electronic heart pacemaker, artificial larynx, single-lung transplant, nerve transplant, artificial pancreas, chemical laser, G-suit, the first practical electron microscope, the first cloning of T-cells, Press, 1977); J. Willis, The Process ofHydraulic Industrialization on the Lachine Canal, 1840-1880: Origins,Rise and Fall (Ottawa: Environment Canada Environment Canada (EC), legally incorporated as the Department of the Environment under the Department of the Environment Act ( R.S., 1985, c. E-10 ), is the department of the Government of Canada with responsibility for coordinating environmental policies and , 1987). 25. Mandel, Late Capitalism, chap. 4; R. Walker, "Thetransformation of urban structure in the nineteenth century and thebeginnings of suburbanization" in K. Cox (ed.), Urbanization andConflict in Market Societies (Chicago: Maaroufa, 1978), 181-203. 26. M. Lamontagne, Business Cycles in Canada (Ottawa: CanadianInstitute for Public Policy, 1984), 101-102; Hamelin and Roby, HistoireEconomique. 27. Celebration Committee of the Grand Trunk Railway, Montreal in1856 (Montreal: Lovell, 1856); Hamelin and Roby, Histoire Economique,263; J. McCallum, Unequal Beginnings: Agriculture and EconomicDevelopment in Quebec and Ontario Until 1870 (Toronto: University ofToronto Press, 1980), 83-96; G.L. Teal, "The organization ofproduction and the heterogeneity het��er��o��ge��ne��i��tyn.The quality or state of being heterogeneous.heterogeneitythe state of being heterogeneous. of the working class: occupation,gender and ethnicity among clothing workers in Quebec" (Ph.D.,McGill University McGill University,at Montreal, Que., Canada; coeducational; chartered 1821, opened 1829. It was named for James McGill, who left a bequest to establish it. Its real development dates from 1855 when John W. Dawson became principal. , 1986), 162-198. 28. Celebration Committee Montreal in 1856, 46; Hamelin and Roby,Histoire Economique, 76, 268-269; H.C. Pentland, "The role ofcapital in Canadian economic development before 1875", CanadianJournal of Economics and Political Science, 16, (1950), 457-474; Teal"The organization of production", 162-198. 29. Hamelin and Roby, Histoire Economique; Pentland, "The roleof capital". 30. P. Craven and T. Traves, "Canadian railways In operation as of 2005Primary national railwaysRailway name Operating companies Locale WebsiteCanadian National Railway Canadian National Railway Company Canada [1] asmanufacturers, 1850-1880", Canadian Historical Association The Canadian Historical Association (French Soci��t�� historique du Canada) is a Canadian organization founded in 1922 for the purposes of promoting historical research and scholarship. Marius Barbeau, the anthropologist, was its founding Secretary. ,Historical Papers, (1983), 254; Pentland, "The role ofcapital", 463; Hamelin and Roby, Histoire Economique, 300-301. 31. Hamelin and Roby, Histoire Economique, 369-370; Tulchinsky, TheRiver Barons; Willis, The Process of Hydraulic Industrialization. 32. McCallum, Unequal Beginnings; H.C. Pentland, "Thedevelopment of a capitalistic labour market in Canada", CanadianJournal of Economics and Political Science, 25, (1959), 450-461; Willis,The Process of Hydraulic Industrialization; B. Young and J.A. Dickinson,A Short History of Quebec Quebec has played a special role in Canada; it is the site where the French settlers founded the colony of Canada (New France) in the 1600s and 1700s. Its history has taken a somewhat different path from the rest of Canada. : A Socio-Economic Perspective (Toronto: CoppClarke Pittman, 1988), 104-114. 33. B. Bradbury, "The family economy and work in anindustrializing city: Montreal in the 1870s", Canadian HistoricalAssociation, Historical Papers, (1979), 71-96; D.S. Cross, "Theneglected majority: the changing role of women in nineteenth-centuryMontreal" in G.A. Stelter and A.F.J. Artibise (eds.), The CanadianCity (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1977), 255-281; Young andDickinson, A Short History of Quebec, 124. 34. Craven and Traves, "Canadian railways asmanufacturers", 266. 35. Celebration Committee, Montreal in 1856; Bellavance andGronoff, "Les structures de l'espace montrealais", 361. 36. Celebration Committee, Montreal in 1856; Montreal BusinessSketches with a Description of the City of Montreal, Its PublicBuildings and Places of Interest (Montreal: Longmoore and Company,1864). 37. Celebration Committee, Montreal in 1856, 40; Canada, Census ofCanada, 1870-1871 (Ottawa: I.B. Taylor, 1875), vol. 3, 444; Hamelin andRoby, Histoire Economique, 263. 38. Canada. 1870-1871, vol. 3, 323. 39. J. Burgess, "L'industrie de la chassure a Montreal:1840-1870--le passage de l'artisanat a la fabrique", Revue revue,a stage presentation that originated in the early 19th cent. as a light, satirical commentary on current events. It was rapidly developed, particularly in England and the United States, into an amorphous musical entertainment, retaining a small amount of d'histoire de l'Amerique Francais, 31, (1977), 187-210. 40. Craven and Traves, "Canadian railways asmanufacturers". 41. Bradbury, "The family economy and work"; Craven andTraves, "Canadian railways as manufacturers"; Teal, "Theorganization of production". 42. Burgess, "L'industrie de la chasssure". 43. Canada Year Book, 1922-1923 (Ottawa: Acland, 1924), 444-446; J.Fountain, "The growth of a local enterprise: from J.M. SchneiderLtd to the Heritage Group" in D.F. Walker (ed.), Manufacturing inKitchener-Waterloo: A Long Term Perspective (Waterloo: Department ofGeography Publication Series No. 26, University of Waterloo The University of Waterloo (also referred to as UW, UWaterloo, or Waterloo) is a medium-sized research-intensive public university in the city of Waterloo, Ontario, Canada. The school was founded in 1957. ), 87; L.Roberts, From Three Men (np: Dominion Rubber Company Ltd., nd), 15. 44. Montreal Business Sketches, 18-19. 45. Burgess, "L'industrie de la chassure". 46. W. Kilbourn, The Elements Combined: A History of the SteelCompany of Canada (Toronto: Clarke, Irwin, 1960), 24; C. Heron,"The crisis of the craftsman: Hamilton's metal workers in theearly twentieth century", Labour/le Travailleur, 6, (1980), 10-13. 47. Cross, "The neglected majority"; 260; Bradbury,"The family economy and work"; Kilbourn, The ElementsCombined. 48. A number of writers have pointed to the important changestaking place at the canal in this period. See L. McNally, Water Power onthe Lachine Canal, 1846-1900 (Ottawa: Parks Canada Parks Canada (now also known as the Parks Canada Agency) is a Government of Canada agency that is mandated to protect and present nationally significant examples of Canada's natural and cultural heritage and foster public understanding, appreciation and enjoyment in ways that , 1982); Tulchnisky,The River Barons; Willis, The Process of Hydraulic Industrialization.None of these writers, however, have drawn out the spatial implicationsof these changes. 49. Willis, The Process of Hydraulic Industrialization, 168. 50. 16 July, 1831. Griffintown, Just west of the city core, waslaid out between 1815 and 1830 by Thomas McCord. It was the only fullydeveloped part of Saint-Ann before 1851 except for a small population ofIrish immigrants that settled alongside the north bank of the canaladjacent to Griffintown in the 1840s. See Willis, The Process ofHydraulic Industrialization, 96. 51. Neither the census nor the city directories provide the type ofdata necessary for analysing the development of Montreal'sindustrial geography in this period. Their most serious problem is thatthey seriously underestimate the number of manufacturing establishments.The exception to this is the 1871 census. An alternative source is theCity of Montreal water tax rolls which have been collected on an annualbasis since 1847. They provide, among other things, the address, name,tenure status and rent of each business establishment, Thus, for anyyear beginning in 1847, it is possible to construct a listing of all ofMontreal's manufacturing, commercial and financial enterprises.Despite the obvious biases and discrepancies that creep into anyenumeration 1. (mathematics) enumeration - A bijection with the natural numbers; a counted set.Compare well-ordered.2. (programming) enumeration - enumerated type. system, the rents paid by firms provide an excellent pictureof the scale of operations. I have tested this assertion for the year1871, where an analysis of the rents from firms in Saint-Ann can becompared with the census values of capital invested and number ofemployees. The degree of linear association is 0.95 between rent andcapital, and 0.79 between rent and number of employees. Thus, rent is auseful measure of scale. 52. The most dramatic change took place between 1851 and 1856 whenrents lower than $100 fell from 62.5 per cent of all rents to 42.2 percent. 53. Although the workshops of the Grand Trunk Railway were locatedin Saint-Ann (at Point Saint-Charles, south of the Lachine canal), theywere not assessed during this period. They have been excluded from theanalysis here. In later years the shops had the largest rent of allindustrial establishments in the city and probably did in this period aswell. 54. Celebration Committee, Montreal in 1856, 40, 43-44. 55. Tulchinsky, The River Barons, 228. 56. Celebration Committee, Montreal in 1856, 40; Montreal BusinessSketches, 36. For a discussion of the moulders in Montreal see P.Bischoff, "La formation des traditions de solidarite ouvriere chez chez?prep.At the home of; at or by.[French, from Old French, from Latin casa, cottage, hut.]chezprepat the home of [French] les mouleurs montrealais: la longue marche vers versabbr.versed sine le syndicalisme(1859-1881)", Labour/Le Travail TRAVAIL. The act of child-bearing. 2. A woman is said to be in her travail from the time the pains of child-bearing commence until her delivery. 5 Pick. 63; 6 Greenl. R. 460. 3. , 21 (1988), 9-43, and "Desforges du Saint-Maurice Forges du Saint-Maurice ("St. Maurice ironworks") just outside of Trois-Rivi��res, Quebec, is one of Canada's national historic sites, and birthplace of the country's iron industry. aux fonderies de Montreal: mobilitegeographique, solidarite communautaire et action syndicale des mouleurs,1829-1881". Revue d'histoire de l'Amerique Francaise, 43,(1989), 3-29. 57. Tulchinsky, The River Barons, 228-281. See also McNally, WaterPower on the Lachine Canal; Willis, The Process of HydraulicIndustrialization. 58. Celebration Committee, Montreal in 1856, 42, 48. Despite thegrowing extent of the market, many manufacturers were limited by itssize. The foundry of Ives and Allen were forced "to keep a largevariety of manufactures ... instead of confining themselves to a fewarticles." See Montreal Business Sketches, 37. 59. It should be noted that the chemical industry was dominated byone firm. The gas company with a rent of $9,000 in 1871 accounted for 66per cent of the industry's rent and almost 11 per cent of theward's aggregate rent. It was the same throughout the period. 60. Willis, The Process of Hydraulic Industrialization. 51. 61. McNally, Water Power on the Lachine Canal, 66-77. For adescription of the manufacture of nails in Thomas Peck's factorysee Montreal Business Sketches, 9-12. The description of Scott'splant comes from Report of the Commissioners of Public Works for theYear Ending 31st December, 1855 (Toronto: Lovell, 1856). 62. McNally, Water Power on the Lachine Canal, 77. 63. Celebration Committee, Montreal in 1856, 42; Montreal BusinessSketches, 15; Report of the Commissioners of Public Works. 64. Canada, House of Parliament, "Report of the selectcommittee on the causes of the recent depression of the manufacturing,mining, commercial, shipping, lumber and fishing interests",Journals, (Ottawa, 1876), Appendix 3, 37; McNally, Water Power on theLachine Canal, 78; Celebration Committee, Montreal in 1856, 47. Theother foundry that produced engines for steamships was St. Mary'sin the east end. It went out of business with the advent of thecanal's factories. 65. A.H. Conter, "The origins of a working-class district: aportrait of Saint-Ann's ward in the 1850s", (Undergraduatepaper, McGill University, 1976), 4; Canada, 1870-1871, vol. 1, 38-39. 66. B. Young, In Its Corporate Capacity: The Seminary of Montrealas a Business Institution, 1816-1876 (Kingston and Montreal:McGill-Queens University Press, 1986), 139; R.F.H. Hoskins,"Original acquisition of land in Montreal by the Grand TrunkRailway of Canada", Shared Spaces No. 7, Department of Geography,McGill University, 7; Conter, "The origins of a working-classdistrict". 67. Bischoff, "Des forges du Saint-Maurice", 19-24; D.B.Hanna and F.W. Remiggi, Montreal Neighbourhoods (Canadian Association ofGeographers, May 1980), 5-6; Lewis; "The segregated city". 68. Young, In Its Corporate Capacity, 133. 69. Report of Royal Commission on the Leasing of Water Power,Lachine Canal (Ottawa: Maclean, Roger and Company, 1887), 7. 70. In order to capture this geography, all firms were assigned toone of three areas. Griffintown is the part of the ward east of McCordstreet. The Lachine area is the zone along the canal and includesSaint-Gabriel Locks as well as Mill, Saint-Patrick, and subsidiarystreets running close to the canal. The Notre Dame area accounts for allthe businesses along Notre Dame street. 71. McNally, Water Power on the Lachine Canal, 22-23. 72. For a more detailed description of the factories see McNally,Water Power on the Lachine Canal, and Willis, The Process of HydraulicIndustrialization. 73. A few studies have shown that energy-intensive large-scalefirms were the dominant ones on the periphery after 1890. These includeE.P. Erickson and W.L. Yancey, "Work and residence in industrialPhiladelphia", Journal of Urban History, 5, (1979), 147-182; R.Lewis, "The industrial geography of Montreal, 1850-1929" in F.Remiggi and G. Senecal (eds.), Montreal ... du faubourg au carrefour, dulocal a l'international (forthcoming); E.E. Pratt, IndustrialCauses of Congestion of Population in New York City New York City:see New York, city. New York CityCity (pop., 2000: 8,008,278), southeastern New York, at the mouth of the Hudson River. The largest city in the U.S. (New York: ColumbiaUniversity Columbia University,mainly in New York City; founded 1754 as King's College by grant of King George II; first college in New York City, fifth oldest in the United States; one of the eight Ivy League institutions. , 1911); P. Scranton, "Beyond anecdotes and aggregates:the pattern of industrial decline in Philadelphia textiles,1916-1931", Antipode an��ti��pode?n.A direct or diametrical opposite: "We just sit and listen to the fullness of the quiet, as an antipode to focused busyness"Kathryn A. Knox. , 18, (1986), 284-310; G. Taylor, SatelliteCities: A Study of Industrial Suburbs (New York: D. Appleton andCompany. 1915); F.W. Viehe, "Black gold suburbs: the influence ofthe extractive extractive/ex��trac��tive/ (-tiv) any substance present in an organized tissue, or in a mixture in a small quantity, and requiring extraction by a special method. ex��trac��tiveadj.1. industry on the suburbanization of Los Angeles Los Angeles(lôs ăn`jələs, lŏs, ăn`jəlēz'), city (1990 pop. 3,485,398), seat of Los Angeles co., S Calif.; inc. 1850. ,1890-1930", Journal of Urban History, 8, (1981), 3-26. 74. Bellavance and Gronoff, "Les structures de l'espacemontrealais", 380-381. 75. The median business rent for the city in 1861 was $100. See D.Hanna, "Partage social et partage de l'espace a Montreal,1847-1901", Rapport d'Etape, 30 Juin 1986, 6. 76. McNally, Water Power on the Lachine Canal, 17-48. 77. Young, In Its Corporate Capacity, 131-142; McNally, Water Poweron the Lachine Canal, 39. 78. Young, In Its Corporate Capacity, 138-141. 79. Hanna and Remiggi, Montreal Neighbourhoods, 3; S. Olson,"Partage social et partage de l'espace a Montreal,1847-1901", Rapport d'Etape, 31 Janvier 1986, 13, 46. 80. G. Lauzon et L. Ruellard, 1875/Saint-Henri (Montreal: Societehistorique de Saint-Henri, 1985); P-A. Linteau, The Promoters'City: Building the Industrial Town of Maisonneuve, 1883-1918 (Toronto:Lorimer, 1985).TABLE 1 Saint-Ann's Industry by Rent, 1851-71Year No Median rent ($) Mean rent ($) Total rent ($)1851 64 60 186 11 9121856 102 120 347 35 3521861 126 130 406 51 1401866 143 144 471 67 3541871 176 144 487 85 700Source: Ville de Montreal, role d'evaluation.TABLE 2: Firm Size in Saint-Ann, 1851-71 1851 1856 1861 1866 1871 No % No % No % No % No %0-99 40 62.5 43 42.2 51 40.4 55 38.5 68 38.6100-299 15 23.4 25 24.5 29 23.0 34 23.8 42 23.9300-799 4 6.2 21 20.6 28 22.2 34 23.8 42 23.9800-1599 4 6.2 9 8.8 11 8.7 12 8.4 14 8.01600+ 1 1.6 4 3.9 7 5.6 8 5.6 10 5.7Total 64 99.9 102 100.0 126 99.9 143 100.1 176 100.1Source: As for Table 1.TABLE 3: The Number and Rent of Saint-Ann's by Sector, 1851-71 (%) 1851 1861 1871Industry No Rent No Rent No RentFood 15.6 34.0 18.3 35.4 13.1 36.6Metal 35.9 28.5 33.3 29.6 27.3 21.1Chemical 9.4 16.3 8.7 9.8 5.7 15.9Wood 23.4 8.3 20.6 12.7 21.6 10.4Other 15.7 12.9 19.1 12.5 32.3 16.0Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0Source: As for Table 1.TABLE 4: Saint-Ann's Firms by Area, 1851-71 Districts Lachine Griffintown Notre Dame Total1851 No 5 47 12 64 % 25.2 52.4 22.4 100.0 Med 320 48 64 601856 No 29 57 16 102 % 62.1 29.7 8.1 99.9 Med 500 80 32 1201861 No 41 65 20 126 % 60.9 29.9 9.1 99.9 Med 500 120 44 1301866 No 40 81 22 143 % 52.7 36.7 10.6 100.0 Med 500 120 50 1441871 No 47 92 37 176 % 51.2 37.4 11.4 100.0 Med 500 126 60 144% = per cent of the total rent in each district.Med = the median rent of the firms in each districtSource: As for Table 1.