Social networks and the spread of Lapita.

Social networks and the spread of Lapita. Introduction Despite major research efforts, the spread of Lapita pottery withinthe Bismarck Archipelago Bismarck Archipelago,volcanic island group, 19,200 sq mi (49,730 sq km), SW Pacific, a part of Papua New Guinea. The group includes New Britain (the largest island), New Ireland, the Admiralty Islands, the Mussau Islands, New Hanover, the Vitu Islands, and the Duke of Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea(păp`ə, –y continues to be debated(Figure 1). Locally made pottery with ornate designs appeared c. 3300cal BP--seemingly out of nowhere. With the possible exception of a plainware assemblage from Mussau (Kirch 2001: 85), ceramics were notpreviously manufactured in this region and there are few if any localprecursors for the elaborate dentate dentate/den��tate/ (den��tat) notched; tooth-shaped. den��tateadj.Edged with toothlike projections; toothed. decoration that was eventuallyshared over an enormous region stretching from the Bismarck Archipelago,across Melanesia, and into western Polynesia (Kirch 1997; Spriggs 1997,but see Craig 1995). Pacific scholars are divided about whether theknowledge of pottery production and/or decoration was imported to theBismarck Archipelago with immigrants or whether it represents a localadoption and adaptation of a new technology derived from Taiwan or thePhilippines (e.g. Allen & White 1989; Green 1991; 2000; Diamond& Bellwood 2003: 601). It has long been recognised that resolution of this debate requirescomprehensive knowledge about prehistory prehistory,period of human evolution before writing was invented and records kept. The term was coined by Daniel Wilson in 1851. It is followed by protohistory, the period for which we have some records but must still rely largely on archaeological evidence to during the time period directlybefore Lapita pottery (Mien 1989: 1). Unfortunately, most researchershave round that archaeological visibility during the mid-Holocene ispoor, firstly, because rockshelters were largely abandoned; secondly,well-preserved coastal contexts dating prior to Lapita are rare due totaphonomic factors resulting from sea level change; and thirdly, becauseit is difficult to find open sites amidst the dense rainforest whichcovers nearly all northern Melanesia. "Of noneconomic aspects of life among these mid-Holoceneoccupants of Near Oceania Near Oceania is the part of Oceania comprising Australia, New Guinea and the Solomon Islands. The other part of Oceania is Remote Oceania. Most linguists and scientists consider this a natural division of Oceania. we as yet know almost nothing ... of theirforms of kinship address and social organization, their mythologies andcosmologies ... The archaeological record The archaeological record is a term used in archaeology to denote all archaeological evidence, including the physical remains of past human activities which archaeologists seek out and record in an attempt to analyze and reconstruct the past. is, for the present, mute, andI imagine that it will take the work of several more generations ofarchaeologists and historical anthropologists to even begin to drawbackthis veil of time' (Kirch 2000: 83). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Fortunately, it has not taken quite so long as Kirch predicted tofind new ways to access mid-Holocene social systems and ideologies inMelanesia. This paper demonstrates the potential of two novel sources ofdata for drawing back Kirch's veil of rime and sheds new light onthe social antecedents of Lapita pottery in the Bismarck Archipelago.Scholars have previously suspected that the spatial distribution ofstone mortars and pestles and stemmed obsidian artefacts representsocial connections across large areas of Oceania (e.g. Riesenfeld 1950;Golson 1972; 2001), but without sound chronology, the provocativepatterning was merely suggestive. We report recent research that datesthese artefacts to the mid-Holocene and provides solid evidence forextensive long distance social networks. The identified interactionspheres raise the question whether Lapita pottery represents asrevolutionary a change in cultural practices as bas been previouslysuggested (e.g. Kirch 1997; 2000; Spriggs 1997) and also provide apossible mechanism for how it was spread throughout the BismarckArchipelago. New approaches The first problem with studying poorly provenanced artefacts almostentirely from museum and private collections is dating. To findmid-Holocene archaeological contexts, survey and excavation must beextended out of the rockshelters and beyond the beaches, where almostall research efforts had been focused previously. Research in the inlandregions of New Britain New Britain, city, United StatesNew Britain,industrial city (1990 pop. 75,491), Hartford co., central Conn.; settled c.1686, inc. 1871. The tin shops and brassworks in the city were established in the 18th cent. has capitalised on an excellent volcanictephrochronology that provides relative dating Before the advent of absolute dating in the 20th century, archaeologists and geologists were largely limited to the use of Relative Dating techniques. It estimates the order of prehistoric and geological events were determined by using basic stratigraphic rules, and by observing for buried depositsacross a large region (e.g. Torrence 2002; Pavlides 2006; Torrence &Doelman 2007). A stratified stratified/strat��i��fied/ (strat��i-fid) formed or arranged in layers. strat��i��fiedadj.Arranged in the form of layers or strata. series of volcanic tephras can be easilydifferentiated by macroscopic macroscopic/mac��ro��scop��ic/ (mak?ro-skop��ik) gross (2). mac��ro��scop��icor mac��ro��scop��i��caladj.1. Large enough to be perceived or examined by the unaided eye.2. traits such as colour and texture as wellas with geochemical analyses. These are now well dated throughradiocarbon analyses from material trapped within them and stratified insoil horizons between them (Torrence et al. 2000; Petrie & Torrencein press). [FIGURE 2 OMITTED] The New Britain tephrastratigraphy has provided the first reliabledating for highly retouched obsidian tools previously only known fromsurface collections and as stray finds (Golson 1972). A number ofscholars have proposed that the largest of these stemmed tools, as theyare now known, probably functioned as ceremonial valuables (Araho et al.2002; Torrence 2003; 2004a; Specht 2005) (Figure 2). In recentexcavations stemmed tools have been recovered from deposits stratifiedunderneath the W-K1 volcanic tephra teph��ra?n.Solid matter that is ejected into the air by an erupting volcano.[Greek tephr . Only a very few examples occurabove the W-K2 tephra which marks the beginning of Lapita pottery. Usingthe tephrochronology we can therefore trace the manufacture of thesediagnostic artefacts as beginning some unknown time before 6160-5740 calBP and ceasing by 3480-3160 cal BP, perhaps due to the effects of themajor natural disaster that resulted from the emplacement of the W-K2tephra (Petrie & Torrence in press). New approaches have also been applied to stone mortars and pestles(Figure 3). Again recent research has enabled these artefact See artifact. types to besoundly dated to the early and mid-Holocene. The chronology is based,first through association with particular environmental zones--as in thecase of the distribution of mortars and pestles which surround theshores, but are not within the watery basin, of the Sepik-Ramu inlandsea Inland Sea,Jap. Seto-naikai, arm of the Pacific Ocean, c.3,670 sq mi (9,510 sq km), S Japan, between Honshu, Shikoku, and Kyushu islands. It is linked to the Sea of Japan by a narrow channel. , which disappeared after 4000 cal BP (Chappell 2005); secondly,through relative dating--they are not found in Lapita assemblages; andthirdly, stone mortars have been recovered from excavated contexts inNew Guinea New Guinea(gĭn`ē), island, c.342,000 sq mi (885,780 sq km), SW Pacific, N of Australia; the world's second largest island after Greenland. radiocarbon-dated between about 8000 and 3000 cal BP(Swadling 2004; 2005; Swadling & Hide 2005). Stemmed tools, mortars and pestles are excellent choices formonitoring social interaction during the mid-Holocene because stylisticsimilarities shared between widely spaced regions are unlikely to havearisen from independent invention. Like Lapita pottery, these artefacttypes have distinctive decorations. In addition, the manufacture of bothartefact groups required high inputs of time and energy, extensiveknowledge, specialist skills, and appropriate raw materials, which inthe case of obsidian was relatively rare. Furthermore, production byspecialists offered opportunities for status enhancement both throughrestrictions over access to the final products and through the creationof links between makers and users. Large stemmed tools were designed tobe fragile and are unlikely to have been utilitarian objects. Bothartefact types were probably used in rituals and may have been exchangedas valuables (Araho et al. 2002; Torrence 2003; 2004a; Specht 2005). [FIGURE 3 OMITTED] [FIGURE 4 OMITTED] Stone mortars and pestles Swadling's current database of c. 1000 stone mortars and c.750 pestles, including published and unpublished artefacts in privateand museum collections, provides the basis for distributional studies ofstylistic variants of stone mortars and pestles. Stone mortars have animpressively large regional distribution stretching roughly from WestPapua West Papua:see Papua. to at least Bougainville, with the greatest concentrations inmainland Papua New Guinea, New Britain and New Ireland New Ireland,volcanic island (1990 pop. 64,615), c.3,340 sq mi (8,650 sq km), SW Pacific, in the Bismarck Archipelago, part of Papua New Guinea. New Ireland is largely mountainous, rising to c.4,000 ft (1,220 m). (Figure 4). Theyoccur in coastal and highland settings and are found on both the NewGuinea mainland and surrounding islands, but they are restricted tolands suitable for the widespread growing of taro taro:see arum. taroHerbaceous plant (Colocasia esculenta) of the arum family, probably native to Southeast Asia and taken to the Pacific islands. as a staple crop, butnot those used primarily for yams, sago or bananas. Swadling bastherefore suggested that they may have been used in gardening magic andother rituals which involve the making of taro puddings (Swadling 2004;Swadling & Hide 2005). The wide-scale manufacture of theseartefacts, made from various types of hard stone, suggests that manydifferent cultural groups shared notions about their functions andmeanings. Swadling bas argued that the sharing of particular styles ofmortars and pestles among widely spaced cultural groups is theconsequence of social interaction (Swadling 2005; Swadling & Hide2005; Swadling et al. in press). To illustrate how common and widespreadcultural links were during the mid-Holocene, four interaction spheresdefined largely by shared decorative styles on mortars and pestles arepresented in Figure 5. These represent just a sample of the potentialaxes of social interchange that will be revealed when the database hasbeen analysed further. The most extensively researched interaction sphere to date operatedwithin New Guinea, between the shores of the Sepik-Ramu inland sea(which according to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. Chappell (2005) reached its greatest extent c.6500-7500 cal BP and had infilled by 4000 cal BP (Figure 1)) and theCentral Highlands (Swadling & Hide 2005). It was probably associatedwith the exchange of products from different environmental zones,including valuable bird of paradise bird of paradise,common name for any of 43 species of medium- to crow-sized passerine birds of New Guinea and the adjacent islands, known for the bright plumage, elongated tail feathers called wires, and brilliant ruffs of the males. plumes (Swadling 1996). The mostcharacteristic items round in this zone are pestles with bird motifs,particularly wings but also beaks (Figures 3 and 6). Outside thisinteraction sphere, groups were linked over a wider area but throughdifferent mechanisms. For example, several examples of bird pestlesoccur outside the Sepik- Ramu/highlands sphere in eastern and southernNew Guinea in locations situated along well-known recent trade routes.Further, local copies of bird pestles are recorded from New Britain andpossibly New Ireland (Figure 6), indicating that some items, conceptsand perhaps associated ceremonies moved outside the cote area, probablythrough other kinds of social contexts. [FIGURE 5 OMITTED] Mortars with bird wings and in some cases also with bird heads arethe most diagnostic feature of the second zone of interaction (Figures 3and 7). This region stretches from the western tip of New Britain,through the Huon Gulf to the Kainantu area of the Eastern Highlands. The third case probably encompasses a number of interactionspheres. It is defined by mortars bearing distinctive bosses (Figures 3and 8). The boundaries have hot yet been clearly delimited. Thisinteraction zone is spread across both highland and lowland eastern NewGuinea and extends as far east as the Willaumez Peninsula in New Britainwhere there is a clear boundary. To the west, bossed mortars have notbeen round in West Papua. Although further study may divide it intosmaller subzones, it seems likely that the large variety of bossedmortars in the region represents a more diffuse network of socialrelations than mortars and pestles with bird motifs. Finally, the fourth case consists of an island-centred sphere ofinteraction defined by footed mortars, which appear in a wide range offorms (Figures 3 and 9). They have been found in New Ireland and NewBritain and there is a clear western border at the Willaumez Peninsula. [FIGURE 6 OMITTED] [FIGURE 7 OMITTED] Stylistic analyses of mortars and pestles show that people copiedand recreated concepts in much the same way as locally-made Lapitapottery was later decorated with shared designs. The mortar and pestle A mortar and pestle is a tool used to crush, grind, and mix substances. The pestle is a heavy stick whose end is used for pounding and grinding, and the mortar is a bowl. The substance is ground between the pestle and the mortar. style zones are the product of social interaction among groups who usedthe same design concepts, probably as a consequence of sharing andexchanging valuables, ceremonies, dances, songs, etc. The spatialpattern of these four interaction spheres demonstrates the existence ofa complex set of cross-cutting social networks within the New Guineahighlands The New Guinea Highlands, also known as the Central Range or Central Cordillera, are a chain of mountain ranges and intermountain valleys on the island of New Guinea which run generally east-west the length of the island. and which created links to the islands of the BismarckArchipelago during the mid-Holocene. Although the styles and thepractices underlying them may have been passed among neighbouringgroups, significant travel and maritime contact is required for thewidespread distribution of bossed and footed mortars. Furthermore, evenif all the styles were not contemporary, this preliminary summary ofpatterns teased out of the extensive database shows that at any one timethere were probably enough overlapping interaction zones to havefacilitated the spread of ideas and practices from the highlands of NewGuinea to Bougainville, a distance of over 1000km. [FIGURE 8 OMITTED] [FIGURE 9 OMITTED] Obsidian stemmed tools At this early stage in identifying stone pestle pestle/pes��tle/ (pes��'l) an implement for pounding drugs in a mortar. pes��tlen.A club-shaped, hand-held tool for grinding or mashing substances in a mortar. and mortar stylezones, the Willaumez Peninsula in New Britain stands out as a'hub' of social interaction because the eastern end ofmainland bossed mortars overlaps with the western boundary of the islandfooted mortars (Figure 5). Significantly, this region is also the sourcearea for obsidian that was transported widely throughout Melanesia,including during the time of Lapita pottery (e.g. Summerhayes et al.1998). However, due to the paucity of archaeological contexts, themid-Holocene transport of obsidian has only been well studied for NewBritain. The results of an extensive characterisation study in NewBritain showed that at any one locality obsidian artefacts were derivedfrom several sources, indicating that multiple sets of social links wereforged with people resident in a number of different places (Torrence2004b). The best evidence for spatially extensive social networks thatcirculated obsidian is the spatial distribution of casual finds ofstemmed tools held in private and museum collections (Golson 1972;Specht 2005; Torrence et al. in press). Like the mortars and pestles,the astoundingly large spread of stemmed tools (Figure 10) must be theproduct of social interaction that operated across a vast area,stretching from Biak Island in the west to Bougainville in the east (adistance of c. 2200km) (Figure 1) and overlapped with mortar and pestleinteraction spheres on the mainland, particularly in the Sepik region,and the Willaumez Peninsula (cf. Figure 5). [FIGURE 10 OMITTED] The distribution of stemmed tools differs from that of stonemortars and pestles and Lapita pottery because they were probably madeonly at the few restricted localities where there are obsidian outcrops(Araho et al. 2002), so the actual objects were moved rather than theknowledge of how and what to manufacture and decorate. For this reasonstemmed tools may have circulated through different kinds of socialnetworks than those represented by shared styles among the mortars andpestles. One might argue that the widely distributed stemmed tools weresimply rare leakages from societies living close to the obsidian sourcesin New Britain and therefore not the consequence of significant socialinteraction. New results from geochemical studies negate this hypothesisand verify strong social connections. Previously, stemmed tools from New Britain and the Sepik regionwere characterised to the New Britain source areas of Kutau/Bao, Baki,Gulu in the Willaumez Peninsula and Mopir in the Hoskins Peninsula, allof which preserve abundant evidence for local production (Araho et al.2002; Rath rath(rä, räth), circular hill fort protected by earthworks, used by the ancient Irish in the pre-Christian era as a retreat in time of danger. & Torrence 2003; Swadling & Hide 2005). Surprisingly,a new study using both laser ablation ICPMS ICPMS Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass SpectrometryICPMS Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectroscopy and PIXE PIXE Particle-Induced X-Ray EmissionPIXE Proton Induced X-Ray Emission PIGME has sourcedthe most distant stemmed tool, from Biak Island (Friede 2005: II, 86;Figures 2 and 11) to the Umleang obsidian source on Lou Island, in Manusprovince (Figure 11) and represents the first evidence that this sourcewas in use during the mid-Holocene (Torrence et al. in press). The Biak Island artefact is remarkably similar to stemmed toolsfound on Garua Island, just offshore from New Britain, but,surprisingly, it was made instead from obsidian that outcrops on LouIsland (Figures 1 and 11). Many of the New Britain stemmed tools, likethe Biak tool, were made with a specialised manufacturing sequenceinvolving the creation of a kombewa flake, which is derived from a blowacross the bulbar bulbar/bul��bar/ (bul��ber)1. pertaining to a bulb.2. pertaining to or involving the medulla oblongata.bul��baradj.1. Resembling or relating to a bulb. surface of a large flake used as the core (Araho etal. 2002). From experimental replication, we know that this procedure iscomplex, requires considerable knowledge and skills unlikely to havebeen shared widely, and demands large cobbles cob��ble?1?n.1. A cobblestone.2. Geology A rock fragment between 64 and 256 millimeters in diameter, especially one that has been naturally rounded.3. cobbles See cob coal.tr. of raw material, which arerelatively scarce (Kim Akerman & Nina Kononenko pers. comm.).Furthermore, the Biak tool has been hammer-dressed, a technique unknownfor obsidian elsewhere in the world, except for six obsidian stemmedtools from Garua Island made from the Baki and Kutau/Bao New Britainsources and one unsourced artefact from Lihir in New Ireland (Figure11). Although hammer- dressing may have been applied to improve the gripof the handle or assist with hafting Hafting is a process by which an artifact, often bone, metal, or stone, is attached to a handle or strap. This makes the artifact more useful by allowing it to be fired (as in the case of an arrowhead), thrown (as a spear), or leveraged more effectively (as an axe or adze). , applying a forceful technique likepecking to a fragile tool and removing obsidian's trademark, andoften meaningful, shininess suggests attempts to enhance the value ofthe tool through specialist labour and/or particular symbolic meanings(Torrence 2005; Torrence et al. in press). [FIGURE 11 OMITTED] The Biak stemmed tool might have been manufactured on Lou Islandusing the identical rare and difficult techniques used on Garua Island.It has definitely not been reworked from a blade like those from thelate prehistoric periods on Manus (Fredericksen 2000). In contrast, itwas made on a kombewa flake struck from a flake core and therefore lacksthe dorsal arris of a blade. Torrence et al. (in press) have alsodiscussed at length why it is unlikely that the artefact was moved fromManus to Biak Island in recent years. Stemmed tools have been foundnearby on Manus Island (Araho et al. 2002: 72) (Figure 10), althoughthey have not been sourced. A second possibility is that raw material was taken from Lou toGarua where a specialist knapper converted it into a stemmed tool. Theelaborate production sequence could certainly have formed thecentrepiece of a ceremony in which social relations between maker andconsumer were forged or the status of the artefact owner was enhanced(see Rath & Torrence 2003; Carter 2007). Although unlikely, there isa precedent: obsidian from the Kutau/Bao source on mainland New Britainwas transported to the Baki outcrops on offshore Garua Island where itwas manufactured into stemmed tools (Rath & Torrence 2003). Furtherresearch on Lou Island is required to investigate whether stemmed toolswere made there, but this will be difficult since the mid-Holocenelandscape is deeply buried under volcanic tephra (Ambrose et al. 1981). Plausible explanations for the remarkable similarity among stemmedtools made from the two widely separated obsidian sources must accountfor a significant sharing of concepts, values, and knowledge. Theproduction sequence is far too difficult, complex, and, in the case ofhammer-dressing, possibly counter-intuitive, for independent invention.Alternately, the high investment of time and effort required to copy thetechnology indicates that stemmed tools were at least as highly valuedby the borrowers as by the original consumers and implies the artefactsmay have circulated within a single social interaction sphere. Howeverthe similarity was achieved, it is reasonable to assume that thedistribution of obsidian stemmed tools signals social interactionbetween widely spaced Lou and Garua islands and possibly also across theentire distribution of obsidian stemmed tools. Interaction spheres We propose that the mortar and pestles style zones and the spatialdistribution of obsidian stemmed tools are the consequences of extensivesocial networks in New Guinea and the Bismarck Archipelago during themid-Holocene, c. 8000-3300 cal BP. In the first instance, thelarge-scale circulation of stemmed tools originally quarried fromrelatively small geological outcrops of obsidian in New Britain or LouIsland suggests these objects were valuables within a system ofcompetitive exchange, perhaps operating along similar lines to manyrecent Melanesian societies (Araho et al. 2002; Torrence 2004a). Thepresence of ceremonial valuables enables us to propose socialdifferentiation among individuals or groups within mid-Holocenesocieties along the lines that Kirch (1988; 2000: 1125) and others (seereview in Spriggs 1997: 102) have previously inferred for societiescontemporary with Lapita pottery on the basis of shell valuables.Consequently, we can push back the beginnings of a fundamental aspect ofOceanic societies beyond the time of Lapita pottery. Since the mid-Holocene social networks had been circulating ideasand materials over a very large area, probably for several thousandyears, they were well placed to have played a critical role in theseemingly sudden appearance of Lapita pottery throughout the BismarckArchipelago. It is therefore relevant to question whether the socialinterchange responsible for the spread of Lapita pottery-making anddecoration was significantly different from its mid-Holoceneantecedents. We envisage the context in which styles of mortar andpestle decorations were shared and transferred as similar to recentsocial settings in which new ceremonies including songs, dances,costumes, and other decorations (e.g. bilas in Papua New Guinea TokPisin) are eagerly sought after from trade partners. As a result, bothintangible and material items can be transferred across a region, suchas from the Sepik coast inland into the Prince Alexander Mountains The Prince Alexander Mountains are a mountain range in Papua New Guinea. The range is located on the northern coast of New Guinea. The Torricelli Mountains lie to the west, and the basin of the Sepik River lies to the south. (Mead1970). Lapita pottery might well have been a ceremonial accessory thattravelled through established social networks and was replicated locallyalong with popular songs, dances, masks, etc. in the same way thatmortar and pestles styles had been shared previously. At the time that Lapita designs appeared, the mid-Holocene networkswere probably undergoing change firstly, due to the rapidly progradingshoreline and advancing Sepik-Ramu floodplain floodplain,level land along the course of a river formed by the deposition of sediment during periodic floods. Floodplains contain such features as levees, backswamps, delta plains, and oxbow lakes. (Chappell 2005), which cutoff direct ties between the New Guinea highlands and the coast and,secondly, as a consequence of the Witori W-K2 volcanic eruption in NewBritain that must have seriously disrupted social groups in that region(e.g. Torrence & Doelman 2007). The resulting realignment re��a��lign?tr.v. re��a��ligned, re��a��lign��ing, re��a��ligns1. To put back into proper order or alignment.2. To make new groupings of or working arrangements between. of socialnetworks at this time may have provided an opportunity for thesuccessful introduction of behaviour and ideas from outside the localregion. Conclusions Research into the mid-Holocene antecedents of Lapita pottery in theBismarck Archipelago is needed to demystify de��mys��ti��fy?tr.v. de��mys��ti��fied, de��mys��ti��fy��ing, de��mys��ti��fiesTo make less mysterious; clarify: an autobiography that demystified the career of an eminent physician. the widespread distributionof this distinctive ceramic series. Although archaeological depositsdating just prior to Lapita pottery have been difficult to locate, wehave shown that significant information previously hidden away in museumand private collections creates a new picture about mid-Holocene socialprocesses relevant to debates about the spread of Lapita. It also seemslikely that the nature of the decorations on these objects (e.g. birdmotifs) informs us about cosmology, despite Kirch's (2000: 83)pessimism noted previously. Although analyses of recently datedartefacts, such as stone mortars and pestles and obsidian stemmed tools,have only just begun to scratch the surface of what can be learned fromdistributional studies, they paint a new picture of social processes andexchange during the mid-Holocene. The mapping of different styles of stone mortars and pestles andthe spatial distribution of obsidian stemmed tools reveal multipleoverlapping interaction spheres as well as more diffuse social networksthat operated within and between New Guinea and the surrounding islandsduring the mid-Holocene. The widespread distribution of these sharedartefact types and styles of decoration raise questions about whetherand in what ways the appearance of Lapita pottery signals a radicalincrease in the complexity of social organisation. Although additionalresearch is required to clarify the nature of the social processesresponsible for these interaction spheres, clearly ideas and objectswere distributed across large distances before Lapita pottery appeared.The circulation of valuables implies a degree of social differentiationthat previously has only been associated with later pottery-usingcommunities (e.g. Friedman 1981; Hayden 1983; Kirch 1997: 254; Spriggs1997: 102), but which must have developed much earlier. In addition, thedesire for new ceremonies and associated material culture amongmid-Holocene communities could have created the contexts in which thepractice of decorating pottery with Lapita designs was adopted as wellas the initial conduits for its rapid spread. New ideas, rituals, andtechnologies, whether developed locally or introduced from outside,could have travelled quickly through established networks across anenormous region stretching from at least Biak Island all the way toBougainville. Acknowledgements We thank AINSE AINSE Australian Institute of Nuclear Science and Engineering , Australian Research Council, Australian Museum,Australia and Pacific Foundation, Earthwatch Institution, New BritainPalin Oil, Ltd. for funding; John Friede, National Research Institute(PNG (Portable Network Graphics) A bitmapped graphics file format endorsed by the World Wide Web Consortium. It is expected to eventually replace the GIF format, because there are lingering legal problems with GIFs. ), National Museum and Art Gallery (PNG), University of Papua NewGuinea The University of Papua New Guinea (UPNG) was established by ordinance of the Australian administration in 1965. This followed the Currie Commission which had enquired into higher education in Papua New Guinea. The University of Papua New Guinea Act No. , West New Britain Coordinates: West New Britain is a province of Papua New Guinea on the islands of New Britain. The provincial capital is Kimbe. 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They have damaging potential in addition to those of being physically overpowering by the lava flow or the ash or dust fallout. : 42-66.Walnut Creek (CA): Left Coast Press. TORRENCE, R., C. PAVLIDES, P. JACKSON & J. WEBB. 2000. Volcanicdisasters and cultural discontinuities in the Holocene of West NewBritain, Papua New Guinea, in B. McGuire, D. Griffiths & I. Stewart(ed.) Archaeology of geological catastrophes: 225-44. London: GeologicalSociety of London The Geological Society of London is a learned society based in the United Kingdom with the aim of "investigating the mineral structure of the Earth". It is the oldest national geological society in the world and the largest in Europe with over 9000 Fellows entitled to the . TORRENCE, R., P. SWADLING, N. KONONENKO, W. AMBROSE, P. RATH &M. GLASCOCK. In press. Mid-Holocene social interaction in Melanesia: newevidence from hammer-dressed obsidian stemmed tools. Asian Perspectives. Robin Torrence (1) & Pamela Swadling (2) (1) Anthropology, Australian Museum, Sydney, Australia (Email:robin.torrence@austmus.gov.au) (2) Department of Archaeology and Natural History, Research Schoolof Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University, Australia(Email: pamela.swadling@anu.edu.au)