An Expanding Aboriginal Domain: Mobility and the Initiation Journey.

An Expanding Aboriginal Domain: Mobility and the Initiation Journey. ABSTRACT Some pre-circumcision candidates in the Western Desert culture areaare taken on a journey to gather people for the final ceremony. SinceAboriginal people started to own cars in the 1960s, these journeys haveexpanded to such an extent that the outward journey discussed herecovered 2250 km. The question of why it is the initiation ceremony,rather than some other ceremonial form, that is becoming the basis forthe integration of this expanding Aboriginal domain is addressed and thefragmentary frag��men��tar��y?adj.Consisting of small, disconnected parts: a picture that emerges from fragmentary information.frag evidence on the historical growth of the journeys presented.Three kinds of ceremonial integration are distinguished and a suggestionmade as to why it is the initiation form that is the focus of thisexpansion. Early in the spring of 1994 a Western Desert circumcision circumcision(sûr'kəmsĭzh`ən), operation to remove the foreskin covering the glans of the penis. It dates back to prehistoric times and was widespread throughout the Middle East as a religious rite before it was introduced among the candidateset out on a pre-initiation journey, under the care of a guardian, togather people for his ceremony. Such journeys are a long standingpractice but this particular journey was remarkable for the distancecovered: it took the boy and his guardian over 2250 km on their outwardjouney. At that point they turned round to retrace their steps gatheringpeople along the way in a party widely known as jilkaja. [1] By the timethe jilkaja party arrived back at the boy's home community over 600people were travelling with the initiate. Circumcision ceremonies have long been central to biological andsocial reproduction in central Australia Central Australia:see Northern Territory, Australia. because the circumcisor(s) -more than one man may participate in the cutting of a boy -- takes on anobligation to find the initiate a wife, typically his daughter. Whilethese contractual obligations are still incurred by the circumcisor(s),people are aware that the younger generation frequently make their ownchoice of marriage partner independently of their parents's wishesand that circumcisors may not be able to deliver. [2] Despite this someof these initiation ceremonies are now bigger than ever in terms of thenumbers attending and the distances travelled to gather people for them,although the numbers of boys circumcised at any one ceremony hasgenerally remained in the range two to four. [3] In this paper I want to address the question of why it is theinitiation ceremony, rather than some other ceremonial form, that isgrowing in the size of its catchment catch��ment?n.1. A catching or collecting of water, especially rainwater.2. a. A structure, such as a basin or reservoir, used for collecting or draining water.b. and in the numbers of participantsand to look at the historical growth of the initiation journey. ABORIGINAL DOMAINS Despite fifty years of government policy That has seen Aboriginalpeople in the greater Western Desert [4] become inextricably in��ex��tri��ca��ble?adj.1. a. So intricate or entangled as to make escape impossible: an inextricable maze; an inextricable web of deceit.b. enmeshed en��mesh? also im��meshtr.v. en��meshed, en��mesh��ing, en��mesh��esTo entangle, involve, or catch in or as if in a mesh. See Synonyms at catch. inThe welfare state, with a dependence on the market for food and theDepartment of Social Security for income, the social relations fromtheir pre-settlement times remain relatively lightly transformed (seePeterson 1991). Between the late 1930s and the early 1970s Aboriginal people in theWestern Desert moved from an independent self-supporting life to livingin heavily institutionalised Adj. 1. institutionalised - officially placed in or committed to a specialized institution; "had hopes of rehabilitating the institutionalized juvenile delinquents"institutionalized2. villages, known as settlements until the1970s, that were meant to serve as mediums of assimilation with theirschools, clinics, more or less compulsory work programs, and shops forthe supply of subsistence. Yet from their inception these institutionalvillages were founded on an inescapable contradiction. People who hadlived in groups wit an average size of 13.6 people (see Peterson andLong 1986:135) and at densities ranging from one person to 50 to 200square kms were now living in settled communities of 200-1000 peoplewhich created a permanently expanded social universe that facilitatedthe reproduction of many pre-settlement practices. This was furtherunderwritten by the economic, social and geographical isolation Geographic isolation, or allopatry, is a term used in the study of evolution. When part of a population of a species becomes geographically isolated from the remainder, it may over time evolve characteristics different from the parent population (due to natural selection). of thesevillages in huge Aboriginal reserves, entry to which was by permit fornon-Aboriginal people. From the 1970s onwards a more sympathetic, if still contradictory,set of government policies towards Aboriginal people, replaced theassimilation policy with one of self-determination which recognisedAboriginal people's right to determine their own future and topursue lifestyles in accordance with their culture. The introduction ofthis policy led to a decline in the size of many of the majorinstitutional villages which fragmented as small groups of kin movedaway to set up their own residences back in the areas they had left inthe previous 10-30 years -- the so-called outstation or homelandmovement (see Coombs Coombs can refer to: Coombs test, a test for the presence of antibodies or antigens Coombs reagent, the reagent used in the Coombs test Coombs' method, a type of voting designed by the psychologist Clyde Coombs et al. 1982). Some of the large institutionalvillages halved halve?tr.v. halved, halv��ing, halves1. To divide (something) into two equal portions or parts.2. To lessen or reduce by half: halved the recipe to serve two.3. in size and outstations with an average size of 20-50people sprang up in a hundred km radius of the villages which served asthe local service and resource centres. One result of the policy of creating large protective reserves isthat, as John Von Sturmer has argued, [i]n parts of remote Australia it is possible to talk of Aboriginaldomains, areas in which the dominant social life and culture areAboriginal, where the major language or languages are Aboriginal, wherethe dominant religion and world views are Aboriginal, where the systemof knowledge is Aboriginal; in short, where the resident Aboriginalpopulation constitutes the public. (1984:219) These reserves, now Aboriginal lands, have helped maintain andreproduce largely separate arenas or domains of social life which DavidTrigger has defined in terms of distinctive spheres of thought,attitudes, social relations and styles of behaviour (1986:99; see alsoRowse 1992). [5] Although these domains usually have a spatialexpression, they only equate with physical space where the spaces areclearly the province of Aboriginal social processes. Whilereserves/Aboriginal lands have helped Aboriginal people maintain socialclosure, Trigger argues (1992:100-102) that the issue is power relationsand the limiting of the intrusion and influences of non-Aboriginalpeople and institutions in Aboriginal lives. Although there is an element of resistance in the maintenance ofthe domains by Aboriginal people the separation was initially imposed asa way to protect them from the effects of interaction with Europeans.Even the separate social and spatial domains for Europeans living andworking in some of the villages on Aboriginal lands are as much aproduct of a European desire for separation as that of Aboriginalpeople. Formulating a sociological definition of Aboriginal domains in anyregion raises conceptual problems. Terms like tribe or society areproblematic because they are reified entities which imply a non-existentunity and boundedness and set up a dichotomy between group andindividual that the indeterminancies of every day life belie be��lie?tr.v. be��lied, be��ly��ing, be��lies1. To picture falsely; misrepresent: "He spoke roughly in order to belie his air of gentility"James Joyce. (e.g. seeKeen 1994, especially 1-35). Yet social life across the continent wasnot one continuous social network without focal points or variabledegrees of intensity of interaction between nodes. Prior to sedentarisation the basic residential unit was a group ofhouseholds that made up a band which occupied a range. The band wasintegrated into a regional network through the personal, social,political and ceremonial ties of individuals to other individuals innearby bands. Aboriginal people speak of this network in a spatial wayas being made up of one-countrymen which Fred Myers has glossed as aterm, 'delineating the widely extended set of persons with whom onemight reside and cooperate' (1982:180). While occupants of any onelocality would have slightly different ideas about the social andspatial composition of such a group there would be considerable overlapfor people in any area principally because of the influences oftopography and ecology, making it possible to refer to them as acommunity. The ethnography ethnography:see anthropology; ethnology. ethnographyDescriptive study of a particular human society. Contemporary ethnography is based almost entirely on fieldwork. does not provide any substantialgeneralisable evidence on the sort of numbers of people, area over whichthey might be distributed, or relationship of language to such a group. Beyond the community the social analyst can detect an even largerunit which I have called the culture area (see Peterson 1976); in theWestern Desert this is often referred to as the Western Desert culturebloc (see Berndt 1959; Myers 1986:298-9). This latter unit is of adifferent order from the social and spatial groups already referred toin that it is not one that has been recognised by Aboriginal people, sofar, but one that appears to be emerging. It is marked by an evidentcultural similarity over a wide area and coincides quite closely withthe area of uncoordinated un��co��or��di��nat��ed?adj.1. Lacking physical or mental coordination.2. Lacking planning, method, or organization.un drainage in the centre of the continent thatcovers some 256,500 square kilometres (Bauer 1955:9,7). INTEGRATION AT THE REGIONAL LEVEL The loose integration at the regional level ofone-countrymen/community was maintained, prior to settling down, byeveryday social processes of visiting, trading, fighting, marrying andthe less frequent but more significant activity of holding any of a widerange of ceremonies. This regional ceremonial life is and has beencomplex and dynamic for a long time. In the period immediately prior toEuropean arrival, and subsequently, a major dynamic has been thecompetition between prominent men to create their own social domains,usually within more or less common 'one-countryman'communities, by promoting ceremonial gatherings of which they are thefocus. They do this in a number of ways but it is clear that acquiringnew ceremonies by exchange (see Kolig 1981; Petri 1979) is mostimportant. [6] Father Worms reports Aboriginal people in the 1940stalking of a newly introduced cult in the following terms: 'Somepeople like goranara [Kurangara] to make themselves great. They thinkthey can rule the others' (quote d in Widlok 1992:123). Three types of ceremonies that contributed to the integration ofregional domains can be distinguished: religious festivals, initiationceremonies and cults. [7] Each of these linked up widely dispersedpeople but in different ways. The religious festival was based on a number of neighbouring localgroups getting together and showing each other some of their ceremonialpatrimony PATRIMONY. Patrimony is sometimes understood to mean all kinds of property but its more limited signification, includes only such estate, as has descended in the same family and in a still more confined sense, it is only that which has descended or been devised in a direct line from the (so-called increase rites) before a finale in which thedifference between local groups was submerged in mass collectivedancing. Into this category fall the Engwura of the Arrernte, theKajirri and Kankalu of the Warlpiri and, possibly, the Worgaia [8] ofthe Kimberley. These festivals are distinguished by being based firstand foremost on the celebration of ties to specific localities andbecause of this they are part of the economy of knowledge controlled bysenior men. The Kajirri form is of fairly recent origin and highlymobile (see Meggitt 1966), having moved east and north into Arnhem Land Arnhem Land,37,100 sq mi (96,089 sq km), N Northern Territory, Australia, on a wide peninsula W of the Gulf of Carpentaria. The great majority of the region belongs to the Arnhem Land Aboriginal Reserve, the largest aboriginal reservation in Australia. and south from the Victoria River District in historic times and in the1980s into the Pitjantjatjara lands as far as Docker River (Dussart1988:241-246; Glowczewski 1991:272). Because it is based on landrelations it is central to the religious education of youths fol lowingtheir circumcision and subincision. [9] Through participation in suchfestivals youths become aware of the regional religious geography, therelated patterns of rights in land and enter the bottom ranks of themale religious hierarchy. The second type of ceremonial integration was through initiation,less ambiguously referred to as the circumcision ceremony.[10] In broadoutline a group planning to circumcise circumcise/cir��cum��cise/ (ser��kum-siz) to perform circumcision. cir��cum��cisev.To perform a circumcision.circumciseto perform circumcision. See also preputial prolapse. young boys would choose one ofthem and send him on a circuit of neighbouring bands usually in thecompany of two men one of whom was often his actual sister'shusband. For two to three or more months they would move from one groupto another, staying briefly with each, holding a small ritual with themand in so doing securing the agreement of people from that group to cometo the circumcision ceremony itself. The initiate and guardian havingreached the farthest extent of their travels would then return by theroute they had come gathering people from each group in a growing partyuntil they arrived back at the home band where the ceremony was to takeplace (see Wallace 1977; Meggitt 1962:284-5; Tonkinson 1991:88-90).Other people might be invited by just sending the hair string belt wornby circumcision novices to particular groups. [11] Exactly how thespatial dimensions of the domain established by such gatherings relatedto that created by the festival, is unclear, except that because thereis an emphasis in much of the Western Desert area on marryinggeographically distant classificatory kin some of the people are likelyto have come from much further away than in the festival gatherings.What is clear, however, is that the form of integration created by theinitiation is rather different. In its widely spread Western Desertform, in particular, it is not tied to territorial organisation in anydirect way but rather based on generational moieties which cut acrosslocal affiliations in a way somewhat reminiscent of an African age-set.[12] Although the whole of the host group is involved the emphasis is onthe younger mature men who are the main organisers. The songs and dancesare known by all adult men and there is no dependency on senior ritualspecialists. The third form of ceremonial integration was established by cults.These differ substantially from the other two types in their mode ofintegration because, today at least, they are based neither on localitynor on generational moieties but are voluntary and largely held bymembers of a particular village with only a limited supplementation ofpeople from elsewhere. The cults can take one of several forms but thetwo most common at present are: a highly esoteric es��o��ter��ic?adj.1. a. Intended for or understood by only a particular group: an esoteric cult.See Synonyms at mysterious.b. cult surrounded withsecrecy and based on the movement of one or more sets of sacred objects Sacred ObjectsArk of the Covenantgilded wooden chest in which God’s presence dwelt when communicating with the people. [O.T. from group to group rather than large movements of people; [13] and aless esoteric cult, juluru , but nonetheless with a major secretcompononent. In the former, objects are documented as having moved overmuch bigger areas than the catchment from which participants in afestival or an inititation ceremony could possibly have come, indeed attheir maximum extent, in one cult, they moved from near Broome in thenorth to Port Augusta Port Augusta,city (1991 pop. 14,595), South Australia, S Australia, at the head of Spencer Gulf. It is a railroad center. in the south. It has been estimated that it tookfrom 20-30 years for the objects to complete a full circuit of this area(Wallace 1977:86). Within this area there are two major subcircuits: anorthern and a southern circuit (see Akerman 1979:238). In general termsthe main objects travel around the Western Desert in a broadlyanti-clockwise direction although there are others going in the oppositedirection. Both of these cults tend to be controlled locally by seniormen making them similar to the religious festival in this respect. Thus while all three kinds of ceremony today are based around alocal population (some part or all of an Aboriginal village), aspresumably pre��sum��a��ble?adj.That can be presumed or taken for granted; reasonable as a supposition: presumable causes of the disaster. they were in the past, they are associated with differentkinds of social fields. Generalising one can say that the festivals setup a gravitational field Noun 1. gravitational field - a field of force surrounding a body of finite massfield of force, force field, field - the space around a radiating body within which its electromagnetic oscillations can exert force on another similar body not in contact with it about the local population that varies in sizewith the status of the people sponsoring them. The circumcision ritualsthat involve jilkaja journeys, draw in people on the basis ofgeographically extended networks.[14] And the cults are largely confined con��fine?v. con��fined, con��fin��ing, con��finesv.tr.1. To keep within bounds; restrict: Please confine your remarks to the issues at hand.See Synonyms at limit. to the local population supplemented by a few ritual experts fromelsewhere. All three ceremonial types have spread, along with many otherceremonial types such as women's yawalyu, so-called fire ceremonies(see Peterson 1970) and others, and once established in a new area mosttake on a local cast, although not the circumcision ceremonies nor,probably, the cults. SEDENTARISATION, VEHICLES AND THE INITIATION JOURNEY Sedentarisation has affected the wider patterns of interaction.First it redistributed re��dis��trib��ute?tr.v. re��dis��trib��ut��ed, re��dis��trib��ut��ing, re��dis��trib��utesTo distribute again in a different way; reallocate.Adj. 1. people into institutional villages that werewidely dispersed (see Map 1). Second it made communication betweenpeople more difficult until the 1970s since Aboriginal people hadproblems getting access to transport. This did not greatly reduce theamount of ceremonial life within villages, indeed it led to anintensification (Long 1965:78) because now Aboriginal people were livingpermanently in larger groups (between 200-1000 people) than ever beforebut it made linking up with people in other communities more difficult.However the cult ceremonies, in particular, were still held as they weredependent only on small groups of men who would bring the objects fromone village to another on foot, by donkey, [15] camel, horse or evenbicycle (Petri 1979:232) and from the middle 1960s increasingly by car. From time to time the superintendents of the institutional villagescould be persuaded to allow one or two trucks to take a party of peopleto a nearby village for initiation ceremonies or participation in areligious festival but the administrators exercised a great deal ofcontrol over these inter-community gatherings because of their monopolyof transport and control of access to jobs and money. All this began tochange from the 1960s onward as Aboriginal people started to gainindependent access to cars. [16] The first motor vehicle owned by a Pitjantjatjara man on theeastern side of the desert was a second-hand land rover See LANRover. purchased in1961 with wages from employment on a water drilling rig (Edwards1994:148). On the western side of the desert at Warburton they startedto come in around 1966 with the opening up of a mine near the mission(see Gould 1969:171-172). By 1970, a period that Hamilton refers to as abridge between the use of camels and cars, cars were becoming morecommon in the Pitjantjatjara area (see Peterson 1977:144 and Hamilton1987:51) and in the west around Wiluna (see Sackett 1980-2: 130). [17] 1968 was the watershed because in that year the Department ofSocial Security started paying allowances in cash direct to thebeneficiaries rather than to the superintendent of the village in whichthey lived: it was this access that led to the instant abandonment ofcamels, used by some Pitjantjatjara groups up until that time, and agreatly increased involvement with cars. [18] Akerman has noted(1979:236-7, 238) that there was a marked increase in ritual activity inthe Kimberley around the same time (1972-1978) and mentions access tomotor vehicles as one important factor in this increase. TodayAboriginal people generally have much greater access to vehicles butkeeping them in running order remains a problem and most vehicles havequite short lives. [19] The recent history of jilkaja journeys is not easily documented.Even where large numbers of people descend on a village for a few daysit is only when there is a logistical problem for the European staffthat they appear to make any lasting impression. Otherwise suchmovements are common enough that they attract only passing attentionfrom non-Aboriginal people working closely with Aboriginal people. [20] For the general public such movements largely go unseen since theymainly take place on back roads, firmly on Aboriginal lands and withinAboriginal domains, and where they leave these areas such large groupsof Aboriginal people together are seen as intimidating and avoided. ForAboriginal people in any community they have a marked influence onpatterns of movement. Roads become closed to Aboriginal movement fornobody should meet a jilkaja party on the road or leave a communitybefore it, especially women and uninitiated un��in��i��ti��at��ed?adj.Not knowledgeable or skilled; inexperienced.n.An uninformed, unskilled, or inexperienced person or group of people. males. As a consequenceroads may be devoid of any Aboriginal travellers for days at a time inanticipation of a party arriving. [21] The following information on specific jilkaja journeys isfragmentary but indicative. The first documented large gathering basedon the car was at Docker River in October 1972. In that month circa 1700people descended on the village in 55 cars and 7 trucks for a week(Peterson 1977:146). Sackett reports that Wiluna residents travelled1,385 km to Docker River in that year, presumably to the above mentionedceremony. He also indicates that they travelled 1000 km to Warburton in1973 and 1,090 km to Strelly in 1974 (1978:111). Hope shows the range ofjilkaja journeys made from Amata for a twelve year period from 1968which included Yalata, Warburton, Papunya and Indulkana at theextremities (1983:80). This evidence appears to confirm the early andstrong involvement of Pitjantjatjara and people to the west with theexpansion of the journeys through their early access to cars. At Yuendumu, on the eastern fringe of the greater Western Desertarea access to cars was slower to develop. At the time I commencedfieldwork in Yuendumu in 1972 Aboriginal people had been integrated intothe cash economy for about four years. Most of this money came fromsocial security and the rest from a government commitment to provide ajob for any Aboriginal person who wanted one on a training allowancewhich ran at about one third of the minimum wage. Thus although peoplewere not wealthy they started to be able to afford secondhand carsthrough accumulating money in card games or through the pooling of fundsby close kinsfolk. These were nearly always of poor quality and had ashort useful life as the huge dead car dumps at the fringe of allvillages attested. There is limited information on the extent of jilkaja journeysprior to 1972 in the Yuendumu area, although Meggitt (1962:285) doesindicate that in the early 1950s initiates from Yuendumu visited MtDoreen, Mt Denison and Coniston cattle stations, all close by, andoccasionally Haasts Bluff to the south (see also Long 1970:329). [22]For most of 1972 -1973 there were only two regularly working cars ownedamong one thousand Warlpiri people, although a number of others put inbrief appearances of a week or two before breaking down irreparably ir��rep��a��ra��ble?adj.Impossible to repair, rectify, or amend: irreparable harm; irreparable damages.[Middle English, from Old French, from Latin . Butwith more money around the Yuendumu community responded to the visit ofan initiate from Papunya, 90 km to the south, in February 1973 by havinga collection on pay day of $A7 per head to hire three buses. One hundredand twenty one men bought tickets and a few additional people went withme in my fourwheel drive. The jilkaja stayed three days before returningto Papunya accompanied by the above party. Later on that year arelatively small group hired a lorry that t ook them to LaGrange, 1200km to the northwest, where they stayed two nights before coming back. Itwas the first time that many on the journey had seen the sea. This expansion of the catchment of initiation ceremonies was notjust dependent on access to vehicles but also a product of expanded,government inspired meetings on policy issues and, more importantly,sporting events that followed the election of the Federal Laborgovernment in 1972 and a radical shift in policies. In particular theYuendumu Sports Weekend, a central Australia-wide sports carnival In Australian culture sports carnivals are held to perform competitions in the individual or team disciplines like athletics, swimming or Surf Life Saving. Teams from different clubs or schools gather together for both individual point-score and team score. heldeach August, grew rapidly through the 1970s. [23] In 1973 Pitjantjatjaramen and Warlpiri men who were total strangers met for the first time atthe Yuendumu Sports Weekend. The next year initiation ceremonies atYuendumu had over 700 men present some of them Pitjantjatjara men fromDocker River. In the Pitjantjatjara area the major sports carnival heldat Amata in July 1976 was a turning point in the unification of thePitjantjatjara who formed the Pitjantjatjara Council immediatelyfollowing that event (Edwards 1983:297). Improvements in the outbackroad system (see Stanton 1983:171) and the growth in the availability ofradio and telephone services to Aboriginal people have also played asignificant part in the organisation and growth of the Aboriginaldomain. In April 1976 a major initiation ceremony was held in Papunya withpeople in attendance from the communities of Yuendumu, Hermannsburg,Areyonga, Indulkana, Emabella, Mimili, Amata, Pipalyatjara and DockerRiver. The youth only travelled to Indulkana, from there on thehairstring belt worn by the novice was sent summoning people. Over 600men were involved in the ceremony, three youths were circumcised andmore than three hundred of the men were involved in aspects of secondstage rites (Kimber 11/4/76). The following month another novice was sent out from Papunya, thistime on a northerly circuit to Yuendumu, Willowra, Balgo and probablyLajamanu. The differences between these two circuits suggest that theApril 1976 novice was a Pintupi or Pitjantjatjara youth while the May1976 youth was probably Waripiri. In 1977 or 1978 a senior Pintupi man set out with a novice and adriver from Papunya with enough food and petrol to get to Yuendumu. FromYuendumu he travelled to Balgo, Halls Creek, Port Hedland, Kalgoorlie,Warburton, Docker River, Alice Springs and back to Papunya (Kimber perscom). This route was unusual in that being a circuit the novice wouldnot have brought everybody attending back with him. But it is typical inthe way that one aspect of these journeys is funded: the novice andguardian(s) are supported by each community they turn up to and it isthe senior members of that community that pass them on to senior membersof the next community. Even from this limited information it is clear that with access tothe car and the new networks created partly as a result of the increasedcatchment of meetings and sporting events that the jilkaja journeysexpanded rapidly from the beginning of the 1970s and the numbers ofpeople attending some initiations also grew substantially. JILKAJA JOURNEY TO TJUNTJUNTJARA In April 1995 I was in a vehicle that gave a lift to a Warlpirifriend from Yuendumu into Alice Springs. During our trip he startedtalking with great enthusiasm about a jilkaja trip he had greatlyenjoyed in October 1994. The novice had set out from Coonana, theresource village for Tjuntjuntjara outstation in Western Australia Western Australia,state (1991 pop. 1,409,965), 975,920 sq mi (2,527,633 sq km), Australia, comprising the entire western part of the continent. It is bounded on the N, W, and S by the Indian Ocean. Perth is the capital. flying to Alice Springs and then on to Willowra. A leading man atWillowra then handed the novice and his guardian on to the Lajamanucommunity: by road Lajamanu is approximately 2250 km from Tjuntjuntjara.At Lajamanu the novice started the journey back. He was accompanied bytwo buses, one small car, one Toyota Landcruiser and a large truckfilled with supplies. These supplies were provided through theoutstation resource centre. At Yuendumu twelve cars joined the party. By the time they reached Alice Springs they had been joined bypeople from Napperby station, Willowra and the nearby Aboriginal ownedstation of Ti-tree and people from the Papunya area. They camped inAlice Springs for two days securing money from royalty accounts set upto assist with ceremonial expenses and administered by the Central LandCouncil. Most of these royalties came from three large goldmines in theTanami desert The Tanami Desert is a desert in northern Australia. It has a rocky terrain with small hills. The Tanami Desert is one of the most isolated and arid places on Earth. The Tanami was the Northern Territory's final frontier and wasn't fully explored until well into the twentieth ; something of the order of fifty thousand dollars wasobtained from this source. [24] Some of the money obtained here, aselsewhere along the route was spent on alcohol. They then drove south to Mimili and Indulkana staying two days inthe latter place where the Yuendumu contingent secured supplementaryfunding through the Yuendumu Social Club that runs the village store,for an eventual contribution of around thirty-six thousand dollars. Inaddition people were using their social security money. From Indulkanathey went to Coober Pedy, then drove south to the railway line andfollowed the railway service track west until they arrived atTjuntjuntjara. They were all impressed by passing near the area whereatom bombs had been tested which the Lajamanu men believed had killedtwo Pitjantjatjara men. One man from Lajamanu also commented that hisfemale relatives who were with him on the journey, travelling in therear, were crying in fear at the huge sandhills Sandhills could be: Sandhills (Carolina), in the Carolinas in the United States Sand Hills (Nebraska), United States The Sand Hills (Ontario), near Houghton Centre, Ontario, on Lake Erie Sandhills, Bournemouth Sandhills, Dorset Sandhills, Kent and tall trees For the Hotel in Teesside see Hotel tall treesTall Trees is a nightclub located on Tolcarne Road in Newquay, Cornwall, United Kingdom. The club has been voted as number 1 club in the south west for the last two years running by the Ministry of Sound magazine in thisregion. By the time the convoy reached Tjuntjuntjara it had more than 30vehicles (cars, buses and trucks) carrying some 300 men and a similarnumber of women and children. They joined over 400 people gathered atTjuntjuntjara, the normal population of which is around 200, with theeventual estimated total number of people present around 1200 people.The Northern Territory group stayed there three or four nights duringwhich time a number of young men were circumcised. [25] Two of thecircumcisors were among the most influential men from Lajamanu, who as aresult of this action, theoretically, incurred an obligation to providea wife for the boys they circumcised. On the return journey many cameback via Uluru to which the Warlpiri people from Yuendumu had had theirsocial security cheques sent so that they had money for the rest of thereturn trip. While at Tjuntjuntjara a Lajamanu Warlpiri man committed his son(unknown to the boy) to make the return trip from Lajamanu as a noviceat Christmas 1995. It was planned that he would fly toCoonana/Tjuntjuntjara and then come back by road, presumably with asimilar sized cavalcade cav��al��cade?n.1. A procession of riders or horse-drawn carriages.2. A ceremonial procession or display.3. A succession or series: starred in a cavalcade of Broadway hits. . As it has turned out a return journey has notyet taken place at the end of 1998 and the boy has been made a young manat home. The full cost of the gathering is uncertain but for twelve hundredpeople to be involved for two weeks at a modest cost of $100 per headfor food and petrol, means that one hundred and twenty thousand dollarswould be a conservative estimate. [26] CONCLUSION Through the extension of the initiation journey the greater WesternDesert area is gradually being integrated into a common moral community,based on pre-existing broad commonalities of language and culture andimproved access to transport. In the mid-1970s when Myers was working inthe Western Desert he saw this unification taking place in the contextof the juluru cult. This cult has a proselytizing character whichemphasises the abandonment of drinking and violence and claims that itwill draw young people away from personal sexual pursuits androck-and-roll back into community ceremonial activity (1986:269). SinceMyers was writing this cult seems to have lost its momentum and nolonger draws so many people to it. Reproduction of this wider regional sociality is now taking placeprimarily through initiation ceremonies. It is these ceremonies, whichare still vital to the production of social persons, that are alsoreproducing the conditions of widespread relatedness, rather than eitherthe religious festivals or cults. This is not entirely surprising. Inhis book on the changes taking place in the religious life of theKimberley region during the 1970s, Eric Kolig predicts an increasingegalitarianism within both the social and religious community (1981:182)marked by a decline in the territorially focused site based rites (theso-called increase rites) around which the religious festivals areorganised. Both religious festivals and cults are still dependent on aknowledge of extended song cycles, of totemic geography, of body designsand of sacred objects which place these ceremonies firmly in the controlof the senior men. For the generation of Aboriginal people born in thevillages, site based ceremonies have a reduced significance because theyoften refer to places and country that are largely, if not completely,unknown. The decline in the significance of such site based ceremoniesmay well have been partially arrested by the outstation movement The Outstation movement refers to the relocation of Indigenous Australians from towns to remote outposts on traditional tribal land.As described in the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, a range of problems faced Aboriginal people living in towns. and, inthe Northern Territory, by land claims which return land to Aboriginalpeople on the basis of demonstrated connection to it. In the case of theAboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 this specificallyinvolves spiritual connection to sites on the land which has often beendemonstrated through staging site-based male and female rites for theAboriginal Land Commissioner when making claims to land. And now withnative title applications, geog raphical knowledge that was in danger ofdisappearing has a new significance across the continent. Neverthelesssuch rites are dependent on knowledge of extended song cycles andrequire a long term dedication and discipline that is less common nowthan it used to be. By contrast the initiation ceremonies are neither bound to localitynor to specialised knowledge under the control of senior men in the sameway: the songs, dances and designs are known to all adult males. [27] Intheir widespread Pitjantjatjara form, which dominates much of thegreater Western Desert, their age-set like character cuts acrosslocality and gives prominence to younger men in their thirties as theorganisers and key participants. These ceremonies are open ended andinclusive, based on knowledge and understandings that are widely held byall adult men. The conjunction of increased independent access tovehicles with the ever present desire to expand relatedness has meantthe initiation ceremonies are the ideal means for extending socialrelations in an egalitarian way and at a time when there is lessinterest in the stricter disciplines of the site-based rituals. Furtherit is quite clear that all men get great pleasure from the travellingand more importantly from the mass singing of the powerf ul and movingsongs of the initiation cycles and that they enjoy the playfulcompetition, manifested mainly in verbal jousting joustingMedieval Western European mock battle between two horsemen who charged at each other with leveled lances in an attempt to unseat the other. It probably originated in France in the 11th century, superseding the mêlée, in which mock battles were held between , between thegeneration levels and the general ceremonial effervescence ef��fer��vesce?intr.v. ef��fer��vesced, ef��fer��vesc��ing, ef��fer��vesc��es1. To emit small bubbles of gas, as a carbonated or fermenting liquid.2. To escape from a liquid as bubbles; bubble up.3. . [28] Despite the greatly increased mobility and the loss of ties to manyplaces this is only the beginning of deterritorialisation on a regionalscale. At present most Aboriginal people remain firmly embedded in theirhome village even if there is high mobility between the villages and theregional town centres. Kinship, cultural practice, geography and racialdifference ensure the continued reproduction of the village communitiesalthough it seems inevitable that increasing numbers of people will takeup residence in the towns as time goes by. While most families are thusreproduced within the villages some few will be built on radicaldislocation dislocation,displacement of a body part, usually a bone. When a bone is dislocated, the ends of opposing bones are usually forced out of connection with one another. In the process, bruising of tissues and tearing of ligaments may occur. , usually for the wife, as a result of expanded jilkajajourneys and doubtless young men will expand their post initiationtravels along routes first travelled on initiation trips. [29] So far this expanded network has not been mobilised, to myknowledge, for political action nor by prominent men seeking election topolitical office in the Land Councils. Neither does it seem to be thebasis of opposition to Europeans at this stage, although it is anentirely Aboriginal domain of which some people are consciously awareand proud. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I have received assistance and information from a large number ofpeople in preparing this paper. I would particularly like to thank H.Nelson, B.L. Japaljarri, H. C. Jakamara, and D. Japangardi for tellingme about the journey to Tjuntjuntjara. For an historical perspective Iam much indebted to Dick Kimber's wonderfully careful and detailedcorrespondence over a quarter of a century. I would also like to thankScott Cane, Bill Edwards, Derek Elias, Philip Jones For the Australian physician see, Philip Sydney Jones. Philip Jones CBE (March 12 1928–January 17 2000) was a British trumpeter and leader of an internationally famous brass chamber music ensemble.Philip Jones was born in Bath, England. , David Nash David Nash is the name of: David Nash (artist) (born 1945), British sculptor David Nash (cricketer) (born 1978), English cricketer David Nash (linguist), Australian linguist David P. , LeeSackett, John Stanton, Bob Tonkinson, Graham Townley, David Trigger,Peter Twigg, Thomas Widlok and the two anonymous reviewers for variouskinds of valued comment and assistance. The original version of this paper was presented at thesymposium,' (Post)foraging societies: social reproduction, identitypolitics, community viability' convened by Richard Lee and HarrietRosenberg at the American Anthropological Association Meeting inWashington DC in November 1995. NOTES (1.) This word is widely used in the Western Desert althoughvarious sources give slightly different meanings: it is not clearwhether these reflect Aboriginal usage or different Europeaninterpretations/misunderstandings. The Hansens in theft PintupiDictionary define 'tjilkatja wikarru' as: 'Older boy.Used to refer to a lad taken on a ceremonial trip prior to hisinitiation' (1974:221). The Warlpiri dictionary defines'jilkaja', as 'travel on which young male initiate(jakurdukurdu) is taken to gather relations for initiation rites'.Hope (1983:94) suggests that among Pitjantjatjara the initiate is calledulpuru on the outward trip and jilkitja on the return trip. (2.) While the system of contractual marriages and polygyny polygyny/po��lyg��y��ny/ (pah-lij��i-ne)1. polygamy in which a man is married concurrently to more than one woman.2. animal mating in which the male mates with more than one female.3. isundergoing transformation, the shortage of wives for young men continuesin some Aboriginal communities. In Arnhem Land some enterprising youngmen who can see no chance to secure a legitimate wife locally, in thenear future, are travelling to Alice Springs to find Arrernte women. Whythey are able to find wives there is not entirely clear but there arearound half a dozen Arrernte women married to young men in centralArnhem Land. Likewise in some Warlpiri communities the older malemonopoly of wives is forcing younger men to seek Pitjantjatjara wives ontheir own initiative (Petronella Vaarzon-Morel -- pers com). (3.) Not all circumcision ceremonies involve a jilkaja journeytoday, although they probably did in the past. For an account of acircumcision ceremony held by Pitjantjatjara people at a time when theywere entirely self-supporting see (Tindale 1935; 1972). (4.) By 'greater Western Desert' I mean the WesternDesert culture area as defined by the area of uncoordinated drainage inthe central western part of the continent (see Peterson 1976:65-66).This is a larger area than that conventionally associated with the termWestern Desert because it includes the Nullabor Plain and areas furtherto the southwest and northeast which are beyond the core areas occupiedby the people typically associated with the term, namely, thePitjantjatjara, Ngaanyatjarra, Ngatatjarra, Martutjara, Yankunytjatjara,Kukatja and Pintupi. It includes the Warlpiri, Warlmanpa, Karajarri,Spinifex people The Spinifex people, or Pila Nguru, are an Indigenous Australian people, whose traditional lands are situated in the Great Victoria Desert,[1] in the Australian state of Western Australia, adjoining the border with South Australia, to the north of the Nullarbor of the Shell Lakes area and a number of other groups.There are, however, broad cultural and linguistic commonalities amongall these people. Because of the impact of colonialism colonialismControl by one power over a dependent area or people. The purposes of colonialism include economic exploitation of the colony's natural resources, creation of new markets for the colonizer, and extension of the colonizer's way of life beyond its national borders. some people inthe eastern Western Desert area actually have their communities justoutside the area of uncoordinated drainage (e.g. Indulkana) butcontiguous with it. While individual Aboriginal people in the areasimmediately surrounding this greater Western Desert area may get drawninto the initiation domain, and particular journeys, such as Arrerntespeaking people in Alice Springs and Hermannsburg, they are not (yet?)collectively integrated into the system. (5.) This domain separation has a long history on cattle stations.In many cases it was further elaborated by separate camps for theAboriginal stockmen and their families on the one hand and thenon-employed Aboriginal people, often called the 'bushblacks', on the other. (6.) The German tradition (see Petrie and Petrie-Oderman 1970:259;also Lommel 1952; Widlok 1992; 1997) is to speak of 'travellingbusiness/ceremonies' which is glossed as 'migrating cultcomplexes'. I do not believe that this is a useful term because itsuggests that there is a special kind of cult -- the travelling cult --when in fact it lumps a number of different kinds of ceremony and typesof ceremonial movement together. It is based on only a partialunderstanding of the dynamics of indigenous religion and does not referto ceremonies associated with the common place long dreaming tracks butseems to have been derived from encountering the so-called Kurunguracultural revival (see Wilson 1954). It is now clear that the movement ofsacred and secular objects, songs, dances, designs and ceremonies fromone area to another has been intrinsic to most if not all aspects ofAboriginal religion for a long time, as Eric Kolig and Sylvie Poirieremphasise (1981; 1992), and does not just apply to a special categ oryof ceremony. Poirier herself speaks of 'nomadic rituals' butagain this does not define a particular type of ceremony, since all thatis meant by the term is ceremonies that are exchanged for payment ofvarious kinds. She emphasises the ways in which these exchangedceremonies take on local place identifications over time. (7.) The terminology in relation to these ceremonial types is notset and is somewhat confusing. In using the term 'religiousfestival' I am following Strehlow (1947:100). This is to bedistinguished from contemporary dance festivals, women's (law)meetings (e.g. see Young and Doohan 1989:96) and the like, organisedwith the assistance of state funded Aboriginal organisations (e.g. likethe former Aboriginal Theatre Foundation, now the Aboriginal CulturalFoundation), and a relatively recent (1970s) innovation. These alsoserve to extend Aboriginal networks and it would be interesting to knowin what ways their catchments are similar to or different from those ofthe three types of ceremonies mentioned above. More thought needs to begiven to the classification of types of ceremonies and theirinter-relationship than there is space for here. (8.) The qualification is introduced because in the absence of afull description of the Worgala it is not entirely certain that it is ofthe religious festival genre. While Petrie and Petrie-Odermann(1970:266-267) actually equate the Worgaia with the Gadjeri (Kajirri) inthe La Grange La Grange(lə grānj).1 City (1990 pop. 25,597), seat of Troupe co., W central Ga., inc. 1828. It is an industrial center that produces lumber, plastics, textiles, and transportation equipment. area, Akerman (1979:236) is slightly more equivocal EQUIVOCAL. What has a double sense. 2. In the construction of contracts, it is a general rule that when an expression may be taken in two senses, that shall be preferred which gives it effect. Vide Ambiguity; Construction; Interpretation; and Dig. .Kolig, however, (1981:Chapter 10) identifies it with a quite differentform of ceremony in the Fitzroy Crossing area. (9.) Although there is no evidence available as to how the Kajirriis structured and performed at Docker River, if it still is, it is clearfrom the relationship between the Kajirri of the Lajamanu area and theKunapipi of Arnhem Land that what is mobile is the form while most ofthe content becomes quite localised localised - localisation especially before the climatic fewdays. (10.) Even this terminology is not fully satisfactory since whilesome boys are being circumcised others may be being subincised and oldermen taking on new roles in the ceremonies which both reflect andinstantiate In object technology, to create an object of a specific class. See instance. instantiate - instantiation their constantly changing status. (11.) Sometimes a number of separate journeys were made out fromthe home area. Just how the timing of the gathering for the finalceremony was managed in these situations is unclear. It is possible thatit was with notched message sticks, as one or two sources hint, but thisis a matter that requires further investigation. (12.) There are a number of different forms of the initationceremony. The most distinctive in the Western Desert is the Warlpiriform (see Meggitt 1962) but even this includes a substantial elementthat is derived from the Pitjantjatjara form with which most Warlpirimen are, anyway, familiar. (13.) This is the so-called Red Ochre Red ochre and yellow ochre (pronounced /'əʊk.ə/, from the Greek ochros, yellow) are pigments made from naturally tinted clay. It has been used worldwide since prehistoric times. ceremony (see Mountford1976:514-517). Although Yengoyan (1970:86,90) refers to it as aninitiation ceremony it is important to distinguish it from thecircumcision form of ceremony since you can only be inducted into itsubsequent to having undergone the two physical maturation rites. TheKurungura (there are various spellings) was an earlier cult as definedhere (see Lommel 1950). (14.) Tindale's account (Tindale and Hackett 1933:102) of thedispersal dis��per��sal?n.The act or process of dispersing or the condition of being dispersed; distribution.Noun 1. dispersal of the people who attended the initiation at Konapandi hintsat this kind of more linear network with a large party setting out toreturn home and groups dropping off along the way. (15.) Donkeys were also used for going to circumcision ceremonies.Bill Harney (1953) has published a splendid picture, taken on Mt Wedgestation, of a group of men riding donkeys on their way from Haasts Bluffto Yuendumu for such ceremonies. He comments that the party includedpeople riding on '30 odd donkeys', a camel and a horse. Thegreat logistical impact of the arrival of such a group is indicated notby a reference to the numbers in the party but by a request to AliceSprings, heard on the radio seven days later, for five extra tons offlour from Yuendumu. (16.) See Young and Doohan 1989: Chapter 4, for a generaldiscussion of population movement in relation to ceremonial life inrecent times. (17.) Vehicles were appearing in Amata around 1965, according to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. one of the referee's reports for this paper and none was availableat Everard Park (Mimili) at the beginning of 1970 (Hamilton 1987:51). Itseems that limited access to private vehicles may have been earlier inthe northwest of Western Australia as John Wilson John Wilson may refer to: PoliticiansJohn Wilson (Scottish politician), member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP) John Wilson (Govan MP), member of Parliament for Govan 1880s John Wilson (British politician), leader, Greater London Council, 1984 , writing about theKurungura cult (in my terms) in 1954, suggests some people would arrivein 'ancient' cars (1954:15). (18.) For the Aboriginal use of camels see the film, 'Camelsand the Pitjantjatjara' (Sandall 1969). This film was made in 1967with one of the last men in central Australia to have his own string ofcamels and to make active use of them, often by hiring them to otherAboriginal people to carry their swags (bedding-rolls). The second partof the film documents part of the journey from Areyonga to Papunya onthe occasion of a number of Pintupi men hiring the camels to carry theirswags back to Papunya after attending rituals at Areyonga, because novehicles were available to do so. (19.) Most men's access to cars is intermittent since carsrarely have a long life although this is gradually changing. Today themajority of Warlpiri vehicles are obtained with royalty monies paid outfrom the gold mines on their land. Because this involves substantialsums many people are able to purchase the preferred vehicle, a ToyotaLandcruiser. Young men and those without access to royalty payments,such as most of the people in the greater Western Desert area, tend topurchase cheap secondhand cars. Another means of obtaining vehicles isthrough government grants: often people who have established anoutstation and demonstrated its viability are able to secure a grant fora Toyota to service the Outstation. Women have a much more limitedaccess to vehi-cles and few of them can drive, although this is alsogradually changing. Sometimes they are able to obtain a vehicle inconnection with the establishment of a Women's Centre or in a fewsituations they may save money from performances of yawulyu (women's ceremonies) in the southern capitals (e.g. see M. Nungarrayi1995: 103-104). Cars, like most material possessions, can poseconsiderable problems for their owners because of the enormous pressuresplaced on the owners to share access to them. Constant demands to ferrypeople around, to take them on trips, to go hunting, to collect firewoodor to use the vehicle for socially problematic activities like gainingaccess to or transporting alcohol can create high levels of stress forvehicle owners leading them, on occasions, to destroy perfectly goodvehicles as the only way to solve the problem (e.g. see Gould1969:171-172; Myers 1989:23, and 23-26; Dunlop 1995; for the stress carscan create for fieldworkers in Australia see Gerrard 1989:110). For amarvellously light hearted sell-parody of Warlpiri people'srelationship with cars see the video 'Bush mechanics: a story ofthe outback car trade'. Produced by Warlpiri Media AssociationInc., CMB Noun 1. CMB - (cosmology) the cooled remnant of the hot big bang that fills the entire universe and can be observed today with an average temperature of about 2. , Yuendumu, NT 0872, Australia 1998 (running time circa 30mins). (20.) Initiation journeys and the movement of large numbers ofpeople occur most frequently on the Aboriginally controlled landsbetween Warburton and Indulkana, well hidden from public view. (21.) In 1997 a young man driving a car from Katherine back to theHalls Creek area, with a young woman passenger, overtook o��ver��took?v.Past tense of overtake. a group of mentravelling for ceremony from Kalkaringi to Ringer Soak. This immediatelyaborted a��bort?v. a��bort��ed, a��bort��ing, a��bortsv.intr.1. To give birth prematurely or before term; miscarry.2. To cease growth before full development or maturation.3. the ceremony and has led to the young man being marked for life. (22.) Norman Tindale Norman Barnett Tindale (12 October 1900 – 19 November 1993) was an Australian anthropologist, archaeologist and entomologist. Born in Perth, his family moved to Tokyo from 1907 to 1915, where his father worked as an accountant at the Salvation Army mission in Japan. has a marvellous detailed account of the postinitiation travels of a young man in the Mt Leibig-Yuendumu area from1931-1932 which I will analyse elsewhere. I thank Philip Jones of theSouth Australian Museum The South Australian Museum is a museum in Adelaide, South Australia, founded in 1856. It occupies a complex of buildings in the cultural precinct of Adelaide in the North Parklands on North Terrace. for drawing this to my attention. (23.) Hope plots the meetings of the Pitjantjatjara Council againstthe range of initiation venues to show a (not unexpected) considerablecongruence con��gru��ence?n.1. a. Agreement, harmony, conformity, or correspondence.b. An instance of this: "What an extraordinary congruence of genius and era" (1983:80). (24.) Accurate costing is very difficult and none of these figureshas been unequivocally substantiated, however I am quite confident aboutthis sum and the minimum level of expenditure -- see below. (25.) According to information supplied to me by Scott Cane via thecommunity coordinator, ten boys were circumcised. The ceremonies seem tohave been affected by heavy rain which left people cold and somewhatmiserable. (26.) The sum would certainly be in excess of this. The store took$12,000 -$17,000 while the ceremony was on and handed out just over$15,000 from store takings to help people on their way home. This lattersum included free petrol/diesel. Almost all of this money wassubsequently repaid. When this is added to the royalty monies, theYuendumu store monies and probably two lots of social security payment(i.e. before setting out and on the return trip) it can be seen that theestimate is clearly on the low side. (27.) In what has been referred to as the Pitjantjatjara form ofthe initiation ceremony, the ceremony is built around a song cycle thatfollows extended ancestral travels of the red kangaroo The Red Kangaroo (Macropus rufus) is the largest of all kangaroos and the largest surviving marsupial. It is found across mainland Australia, avoiding only the more fertile areas in the south, the east coast, and the northern rainforests. but the route andsongs are widely known. In the main Warlpiri form of initiation thefirst sequence of the ceremony is based on site rituals before moving toa second phase which follows the extended travels of a group of femaleancestors, their route and the songs being widely known. (28.) See Tonkinson (1991:76) for a brief description of thisbehaviour. It should be said that there are also explicitly articulatedfears associated with travel to distant places and residence amongunrelated people which partly account for the short turn around times:people rarely stay more than three to four nights and commonly only twodespite having travelled a thousand or more kilometres. (29.) Berndt (1943:267) states that after the second stage ofinitiation young men were often taken on a detailed tour of their ownimmediate region to learn about the country in more detail. Certainlytoday, as in the past, such post initiation youths are footloose foot��loose?adj.Having no attachments or ties; free to do as one pleases.footlooseAdjectivefree to go or do as one wishesAdj. 1. andtravel widely together. In Warlpiri metaphor such youths are likened tobudgerigars which travel widely in flocks and are shiny and colourful asthe ochred intiates with their formerly distinctive hairstyles used tobe. REFERENCES AKERMAN, K. 1979. 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